Federal Governance

Battleford Council

Summary

A council consisting of the Lieutenant Governor, Indian Commissioner, Commissioner of NWMP, and other officials came together to discuss the oncoming famine among Aboriginal people. The group passed resolutions after their first meeting that resulted in purchasing and distributing increased rations at various points throughout the territory. They also agreed to increase the number of NWMP officers at Battleford that winter.

Date
1879-08-26

Qu'Appelle District Food Riot

Summary

400 Aboriginal people in the Qu'Appelle district forcibly took provisions from the agency storehouse after officials refused to provide them with rations.

Implications
Responses like this are evidence that Government Officials failed and withheld rations from Indigenous peoples, forcing them to take them in order to survive. Undoubtedly, the government would misconstrue this behaviour as criminal or violent, when in reality the government left Indigenous peoples with no other options.
Date
1878-03-00

Department of Justice Report on Protection of the Bison

Summary

The Department of Justice issued a report relating to the protection of the bison. It was referred to the North-West Territorial Council who researched and heard testimony, then submitted their findings to the federal government.

Implications
The committee who read the findings decided to regulate the hunting season and prohibit the use of bison pounds and the killing of bison under two years old.
Date
1875-00-00

Cypress Hills Cree Forced to Leave

Summary

Cree groups living in the Cypress Hills were told by Indian Affairs officials that they were not going to be issued rations until they left the region and moved onto reserves in the Qu'Appelle, Battleford, and Fort Pitt areas. This was part of the 'Sheer Compulsion' strategy. They were issued rations at Fort Walsh to fuel their journey to Prince Albert, and received more rations for the final portion of their journey. Big Bear and a group of followers remained at their camp about twenty miles from Fort Walsh into 1882, and were some of the last to accept the move out of the Cypress Hills.

Implications
This was a move towards the "ethnic cleansing" of the Southwest portion of province, with approximately 5,000 Indigenous people people displaced from the Cypress Hills during that year. The forced removal of the Cree from their territory in the Cypress Hills region is similar to the forced relocations of other Indigenous groups onto reserve land not chosen by the group themselves (as dictated in treaties). The Canadian Government's approach was meant to segregate/assimilate Indigenous peoples from their home territories in order for colonial settlement of the West, part of MacDonald's National Policy.
Sources

Saskatchewan Herald, 24 June 1882, 1. Debates of the House of Commons, March 24, 1882, p. 542-543. Report of John C. Nelson, Dominion Land Surveyor, December, 1882, PAC RG-10, Vol. 3621, f. 4754.

Date
1882-03-24

Department of Indian Affairs Reorganization

Summary

The Department of Indian Affairs became a branch of the Department of Mines and Resources by the Department of Mines and Resources Act of June 23, 1936. As it relates to changes of the structure of the Department of Indian Affairs, this Act created a division for welfare and training, reserves and trusts service, records service, medical service, and education. They also introduced a program to re-establish agricultural support for Aboriginal people, which had dwindled since the turn of the century. In 1939 the program was expanded to include a revolving loan fund, to provide financial support for farmers, as well as to encourage community farms.

Sources

AR 1939-1946.

Date
1937-00-00

1906 Special Western Census: Metis Not Identified

Summary

After the 1901 census had identified approximately 10,000 people with mixed Indigenous ancestry living in the region that would become the province of Saskatchewan under the term "half-breed." The 1906 special western census dropped the category with no replacement to identify Metis and other peoples of mixed Indigenous ancestry, which ultimately erased their identity in the eyes of the government and any fiduciary or legal obligation.


 

Result

While the Metis identity should not be conflated with all individuals of mixed Indigenous ancestry, this omission within the census, without consultation of any representatives from the Metis people, ignored the distinctiveness of the Metis nation as well as their central role in Saskatchewan's early history. Ultimately, omitting the category that included Metis from the census illustrates the delegitimization of their nationhood and Indigenous identity.  


 

Sources
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Date
1906-00-00

DIA Introduces Depression Relief Measure

Summary

The Depression caused increasing dependence on government aid, both for Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. The distribution of government aid was recognized by the Department of Indian Affairs in their end of year reports. In the DIA report for the fiscal year ending March 31, 1937, it was estimated that one third of Aboriginal peoples needed financial relief assistance due to the economic Depression.

Sources

AR, 1937, 194.

Date
1936-00-00

Residential Schools as Catchments for 'Neglected' Children

Summary

Beginning in the early 1950s there was a shift in the character of residential schools from educational institutions to "a sort of foster home which endeavour[ed] to cater to the social and emotional needs of the child." This shift was brought about by the development of admission regulations. Each child was to be assigned to one of six categories based on the social and economic background of the child. A census taken in 1953 by the Department of Indian Affairs revealed that out of the 10,112 children in residential schools, 4,313 fell into a category defining them as neglected or as being in homes that were unfit because of parental indifference or over-crowding. In 1966 out of the 9,778 children in school 75 per cent fell into this category and in 1975 the children estimated to be from "broken or immoral homes" had risen to 83 per cent in the Gordon Residential School, 64 per cent in the Muscowequan Residential School, and 80 per cent in the Cowessess Residential Schools. Despite these findings, the official view of the Department was that this "was not a product of economic circumstances but of parental moral shortcomings."

 

Result

The departments deflection of blame onto parents rather than government and departmental policies/actions as the root cause of neglect demonstrates the perpetual colonial belief of western superiority in education and parenting. In fact, it was not poor parenting that resulted in the neglect and poor health of Indigenous children, rather it was the government's genocidal and destructive policies that created conditions wherein children experienced neglect. Residential schools disrupted parenting while also instilling harmful beliefs in Indigenous children about themselves and their cultures, subjected them to various and extreme forms of abuse which mentally and physically impacted children, their parents, and communities, and were responsible for undermining Indigenous teachings, knowledge, and concepts of well-being integral to the meaningful upbringing of children. By denying access to resources, land, and traditional subsistence patterns, stripping rights to cultural practices/freedom, and enforcing residential schooling the government manifested an environment where Indigenous children were unprotected. To insinuate that neglect "was not a product of economic circumstances but of parental moral shortcomings" denies all responsibility that the Government of Canada had in creating economic and social inequities, and the deterioration of wellbeing in Indigenous children. 

The government of Canada was also responsible for developing inequitable and racist policies which served to bolster the success and support of Settler Colonists while intentionally underserving and criminalizing Indigenous peoples. Wealth and housing inequities are cumulative effects of Colonialism.  

Sources
  • INAC File 6-21-1, Vol. 2, 13 December 1956.
  • INAC File 40-2-185, Vol. 1, Relationships Between Church and State in Indian Education, 26 September 1966. See Also: File 671/25-2, Vol. 3, 24 Jan. 1974; and File 675/25-13, Vol. 2, 16 June 1975; and from R. Martin, 24 March 1975.
  • INAC File 675/25-1-018, Vol. 2, N.J. McLeod, to Chief Education Division, 8 December 1960; and File 675/25-13, Vol. 1, 18 Jan, 1974.
  • INAC FIle 675/25-13, Vol. 1, 29 March 1974.
  • INAC File 673/25-13, Vol. 2, 30 June 1975.
Sub Event
Students distributed into 'admission categories' based on socioeconomic factors
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Date
1953-00-00

Attempt to Take Chakastapaysin Reserve Through Order-in-Council

Summary

Hayter Reed attempted to use an order-in-council to force the Chakastapaysin reserve to revert to the crown, rather than negotiating a surrender. He planned instead to amalgamate the membership of that band with the James Smith and Cumberland House bands. The Justice Department ruled that this move was not legal. Instead, the Department succeeded in negotiating the surrender of the band's entire reserve, and their amalgamation with the other two bands in 1897. The surrender was signed by only 9 band members, though it is not certain how many were present to witness the negotiations.

Implications
This event represents the various means through which the Crown repeatedly attempted to reduce the amount of land owned by Indigenous people in the province, despite the legally binding nature of Treaty agreements, which dictated that First Nations people would be accorded reserves. As well, many Indigenous bands were enduring famine, starvation and repeated epidemics in the late 19th and early 20th century, placing them in a position of vulnerability as it related to their survival. While the government frequently neglected to fulfill other treaty agreements, such as providing Indigenous people with sufficient equipment for farming (please see entries on severalty system and peasant farming) and failing to distribute sufficient aid in the form of medical care and food rations. Left with dwindling food and financial resources in an introduced cash economy, Indigenous peoples were forced to negotiate the selling or surrendering of their reserve land.
Sources

v. 6663. f . 109A-1. E. L Newcombe to the Acting Secretary of the Department of Indian Affairs, May 14, 1897. v. 1598. chacastapasin surrender, June 25, 1897. copy in in Indian Treaties & surrenders. 1912 (no. 383, v, III. p. 200). v.6663, f.109A-3-1. J,M, McTaggart to the Minister of the Interior, October 12, 1895; Secretary of the Department of the Interior to Reed, December 18. 1895; Reed to Forget. February 8, 1896.

Sub Event
Chakastapaysin Land Surrender
Date
1895-00-00

Natural Resources Transfer Agreements

Summary

Agreements were negotiated between the federal and provincial governments transferring control over land and natural resources to the provinces; prior jurisdiction had previously been held by the federal government. Reserve and Crown lands were not included in the transfer. However, some of the lands used by Indigenous peoples to hunt/trap/fish now fell under provincial jurisdiction and were subjected to conservation regulations.


 

Result

 

The application of game laws to Indigenous peoples has posed issues since the transfer, as they have the right to hunt/fish/trap on all reserve and Crown lands. However, the provincial government continues to subject Indigenous peoples to game laws that infringe on hunting, trapping, and fishing rights outlined in federal negotiations. In the western provinces, another issue is that insufficient lands were set aside through treaties for hunting and trapping which makes hunting on designated lands more difficult as game continually moves. Primary source documents reveal that several Indigenous hunters were fined or prosecuted for killing moose or other big game following the new transfer agreements. Often, the hunters were unaware of regulations, or were hunting as an act of resistance, believing that they retained the right to hunt in large quantities on certain tracts of land. The transfer caused widespread confusion and there was a lack of consultation with Indigenous peoples in the province; exclusion meant that new terms were not communicated effectively, and that their specific needs/rights regarding game and access to land were not considered. Overall, this represents a failure on behalf of both the federal and provincial governments that effected food security and accessibility. Additionally, records suggest that Indigenous hunters who were fined and criminalized for breaking regulations were treated more harshly than white hunters for similar discrepancies. 


 

Sources

 

Taylor, John Leonard. Canadian Indian Policy during the Inter-war Years, 1918-1939. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, 1984. 103-104.

 

Government of Canada. Statutes of Canada. Memorandum of Agreement, Saskatchewan Natural Resources: 20-21 George V, 16th Parliament, 4th Session, Chapt. 41. 322-326. - Transfer of public lands from the Federal government to the Province. All rights of fishery shall be administered by the Province. All lands included in reserves will continue to be administered by the Crown. In order to secure of the Indians of the province a continued supply of game and fish, Canada agrees that the provincial laws apply from time to time to the Indians, but that the Indians should have the right to trap, fish and hunt for food at all seasons of the year on all unoccupied Crown lands.

 

RG10, C- 8093, Vol. 6731, File 420-1; Title: MacInnes to Colonel Starnes, 21 March, 1931.

Regarding the enforcement of the Provincial Game Laws in the Provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta. As noted from the Crime Reports, a number of Indians have been prosecuted for killing moose, deer and other game animals. In this connection may I draw your attention to the clause on this subject which was contained in each of the Capital Agreements for the Natural Resources as follows: "In order to secure to the Indians of the province the continuance of the supply of game and fish for their support and subsistence, Canada agrees that the laws respecting game in force in the province from time to time shall apply to the Indians within the boundaries thereof, provided, however, that the said Indians shall have the right, which the province hereby assures to them, of hunting, trapping and fishing game and fish for food at all seasons of the year on all unoccupied Crown lands and on any lands to which the said Indians may have a right to access."


 

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Date
1930-00-00
Documents
File
File Description
Memorandum of Agreement, Saskatchewan Natural Resources: 20-21 George V, 16th Parliament, 4th Sessio