Integration & Mobility

Outbreak of Measles on Piapot

Summary

In 1884, there was an outbreak of measles and diptheria on Piapot reserve. Some band members attributed the outbreak of diptheria to environmental causes, and left the reserve after burning their houses. They subsequently held a sundance near Qu'Appelle. The NWMP and Assistant Indian Commissioner were sent to convince them to return to their reserve, which they refused to do, and instead were allowed to select a new tract of land upon which to settle immediately.

Sub Event
Band Members Abandon Reserve
Date
1884-00-00
Community

Thunderchild First Nation Land Surrender

Summary

On 26 August 1908, Commissioner David Laird and Indian Agent Day held a meeting with the Thunderchild First Nations with the intent of convincing them to surrender their reserve land. The members of the reserve had repeatedly voiced their opposition to a surrender. During the meeting, the men of Thunderchild voted many times on the issue. On occasion, the Crown officials brought cash to entice the band members to sell. After two days of deliberation, the band voted to surrender the land. Thunderchild First Nation was relocated to IR 115B. This reserve was located further north and the land was less suitable for farming. Band members were unable to sustain themselves on the new reserve due to the poor land conditions.

Implications
In the 1870s, the Government of Canada negotiated various treaties with Indigenous peoples of the Prairies. One of the crucial elements promised in these treaties was land that would be reserved for the Indians. And yet, less than a dozen years into the new century, almost a quarter of those valuable reserves that were considered essential to enable Indians to make the transition to an agricultural economy had been surrendered back to the government. Many of the land surrenders that occurred on the Prairies raise arguments regarding the validity of the surrender. Indigenous communities often allege non-compliance with the Indian Act surrender procedures, being pressured to surrender under duress, undue influence on behalf of Indian agents and government officials, unconscionability, lack of informed consent, and breach of fiduciary obligations in the taking of the surrender itself and in the management and administration of the land and the proceeds after the surrender. Over 100 surrenders were obtained on the Prairies between 1896 and 1911, making way for western expansion and an influx of immigrants. Although government officials often argued that Indians had more land than they could use, many of these bands had experienced population loss due to epidemics - a population loss that was in part a product of the government's refusal to provide promised farming implements or food rations. The government played an active part in creating the conditions leading to population loss on reserves, and subsequently took advantage of the situation to gain reserve land from Indian bands. In addition, many of the nations that surrendered their land were in difficult financial situations, and were often indebted to the government. The sale of land was seen as a means to pay back their debts or to purchase much needed food, clothing and farming implements.----------------Evidence collected through various Indian Claims Commission inquiries suggest the land was often bought from the bands at a cost much lower than what it was resold at. For example, the government would offer the band $1.50/acre, and would then sell it to farmers or land developers for $3.00/acre. The government took advantage of the fact that the bands were in dire need of money and knowingly offered them less than what the land was worth. Most bands had little experience with real estate, land development and speculation, while government officials were well aware of the factors affecting land value and were well connected to the business community. In addition, the notions of private property and land division differed greatly from Indigenous philosophies of communal land use, ownership and responsibility. As with the signing of the numbered Treaties, historians and Indigenous community members have argued that cultural differences and power imbalances allowed for confusion and abuse in the processes of land surrender. As the buffalo populations were dwindling, many Indigenous nations were facing starvation, and entering into treaties was deemed by some leaders to be the best solution to avoid the complete loss of their bands. In this situation, government officials were in a position of power to negotiate treaty terms that were favourable to the Canadian state, although many Indigenous leaders did press the officials for better terms for their bands, and requested additional farming tools, schools and medicine chests. However, the government's failure to abide by the terms of the legally binding treaties was not uncommon; many bands never received promised farming implements / livestock, and food rations. Denied the opportunity and the proper tools to succeed in developing agricultural economies, many bands faced hardship and starvation as they once again negotiated the terms to land surrenders with government officials. As settler interest in western lands increased, the federal government responded with a series of Orders in Council and amendments to the Indian Act which increased the government’s control over reserve affairs and facilitated the surrender of treaty reserves. One such measure occurred in 1911 when an amendment to the Indian Act allowed the government to take reserve land without consent when the reserve was in or near a town of more than 8000 people, or where the land was needed for public purposes (please see database entry entitled: Laurier Government Gives Itself Power to Claim Reserve Land for further information on this subject). Although more research is required regarding this subject, some evidence suggests personal interest of Department officials played a part in generating demand for the surrender of Indian lands. The 1915 Ferguson Commission was appointed by the federal government to investigate Indian Affairs officials who were suspected of conflicts of interest in their dealings with reserve land surrenders. Please see database entry entitled: Ferguson Royal Commission for further information on this subject.-------------------------Finally, as aforementioned, Indigenous leaders and historians have pointed to issues pertaining to consent in the context of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Act of 1876 specified that consent for reserve land surrender had to be obtained from the "majority of the male members of the band at the full age of twenty-one years, at a meeting or council thereof summoned for that purpose according to their rules." Although it was clear from the Indian Act that a majority vote was required, there was much debate within government circles as to whether the “majority” referred to in the Act was a majority of only the qualified members attending the surrender meeting or an absolute majority of all eligible members of the band. Consequently, many land surrenders were premised on loosely interpreted consent rules. Evidence gathered through various Indian Claims Commissions suggests government officials employed coercive measures when negotiating reserve land surrenders. On occasion, cash was offered to band members to bribe them into accepting proposed land surrenders. In addition, as some deliberations lasted several days, and votes were taken multiple times, instances occurred where a majority of band members were absent or had left the negotiations, allowing the government to secure a vote in favour of land surrender. -------------------------The loss of reserve land had many detrimental consequences for Indigenous communities, who were already faced with traditional land base dispossession as European settlement increased rapidly on the Prairies. Despite the professed goals of the federal government to assist Indigenous people in their transition to agricultural economies, many bands were left with little to no farmable land, as the best fertile land was often part of the surrender. Evidence collected throughout various Indian Claims Commission inquiries also found that several bands failed to receive the payment amounts promised by the government, if any payment at all. The loss of large parcels of land also meant a reduced access to resources and traditional hunting grounds, loss of identity and cultural disconnection. It also signified a loss of self-sufficiency and autonomy. As fertile lands were surrendered, many bands struggled to provide sufficient food for their populations, increasing their dependency on the federal government. Federal economic policies such as an 1881 amendment to the Indian Act prohibiting the sale of agricultural products by Indian bands without the consent of the Indian Agent greatly contributed to the hardship many bands faced. Please see database entry entitled Indian Act Amendment: Regulations of sale of agricultural products for further information on this subject. To conclude, in the past 30 to 40 years, many Indigenous communities on the Prairies have undertaken negotiations with the federal government to obtain compensation, either land, financial or both, as a means to redress government wrongdoings in the cases of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Specific Claims Commission, which has investigated many reserve land surrenders in Canada, was established as a temporary independent advisory body authorized to review specific claims rejected by the government and to issue non-binding decisions.
Date
1908-00-00

Agency Office Moves from Wynyard to Qu'Appelle

Summary

Agency office moved from Wynyard to Fort Qu'Appelle. Communities were promised that if this did not work out, the agency office could be moved back. The increased distance made it more difficult for bands near the Cypress Hills area to travel to agency offices. However, the office never returned, and instead remained at Fort Qu'Appelle

Implications
This event is an example of the government's prioritization of cost-saving measures over the well-being of Indigenous people. As well, increasing the distance required to traverse to the office likely made it more difficult for Indigenous peoples to lodge complaints, reducing the number of "Indian problems" that the agency was required to deal with.
Community

Creation of Northern Hospitalization Scheme

Summary

In 1948, Northern Saskatchewan was integrated into the provincial hospital plan. Initially, inhabitants of Northern Saskatchewan were excluded from the provincial hospitalization plan - this was due to the lack of public medical facilities in the North and a lack of administrative structure through which hospitalization premiums could be collected. By 1950, the province had established a subsidized air ambulance service as well as constructed four outpost hospitals in strategically located centers.

Implications
The CCF reforms went a long way in reversing health disparities between Northern and Southern Saskatchewan. Overall, the greater accessibility of medical services contributed to a reduction in mortality rates for northern citizens.
Sources

"Hospitalization for the North". Saskatchewan Commonwealth. 10 December 1947.; Helen Buckley, "Trapping and Fishing in the Economy of Northern Saskatchewan," Report No.3, Economic and Social Survey of Northern Saskatchewan, Research Division, Centre for Community Studies, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, 1962, p.45;

Date
1948-00-00

Walter Deiter Makes Request for the Removal of the Pass System

Summary

Walter Deiter was a Cree activist (from Peepeekisis Reserve) who became the leader of the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations in 1966. In 1967 he sent a letter to Indian Affairs asking that the Pass System be removed. Indian Affairs responded that if individual bands asked to have it removed, it would be. As a result, many bands wrote to Indian Affairs to inform them that they were no longer abiding by the Pass System.

Date
1967-00-00
Documents
File

American Officials Raid Indigenous Communities

Summary

Reports from Fort Benton stated that American officials had raided Indigenous camps, some belonging to First Nations residing on the  Canadian side of the 49th Parallel. American Troops burned 250 lodges, taking horses they claimed were stolen by Big Bear and Lucky Man's bands, and seizing Métis goods and tools the Americans claimed to be smuggled. Indian Affairs Commissioner Edgar Dewdney suspected that the Americans had acted beyond their rights. He believed that as a result of the raids, First Nations and Métis who lived on the Canadian side of the 49th Parallel had returned.  This was not the case, there were numerous Dakota groups which had not yet entered back into 'Canada' (Rupert's Land) and thus were left out of numbered treaty-making. 


 

Sources
  • Dempsey, Hugh A. Big Bear: The End of Freedom. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1985. 112.
  • Hoy, Benjamin. “A Border without Guards: First Nations and the Enforcement of National Space.” Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 25, no. 2 (2014): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032842ar.
  • Hoy, Benjamin. "Uncertain Counts: The Struggle to Enumerate First Nations in Canada and the United States 1870-1911.” Ethnohistory 62, no. 4 (2015): 729–50. 

 

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Date
1882-00-00
Community

North-West/Riel Resistance

Summary

In order to avoid the hostilities of the North-West/Riel Resistance, some members of the Little Pine band fled to the United States to avoid involvement in the violence. This led to the fracture of the Little Pine band.

Implications
Fear of government discipline and punishment for being associated with the Riel Resistance resulted in members of this band being forced to leave their territory, resulting in an undermining of social cohesion and support networks.
Sub Event
Members of Little Pine Flee to the United States
Date
1885-00-00
Community

Aftermath of the North-West Resistance: Restrictions on Traveling Between Bands

Summary

First Nations were prohibited from traveling between communities following the 1885 Resistance, in attempts to discourage collaboration between bands which could result in collective action. However, some band members continued to travel covertly. Those who were found to be traveling between reserves against the government's orders were punished by having their rations and annuity payments revoked.

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Date
1885-00-00
Community

North-West/Riel Resistance

Summary

During the 1885 Resistance, the majority of the Dakota living north of Prince Albert fled south to avoid armed conflict. The Dakota community, which had previously consisted of approximately 400 families, was reduced to 35 or 40 families during the resistance. A group of Dakota was also led further north by Tarasota to the Candle Lake Region to avoid hostilities. Another Dakota leader, Tituwakanska, told members of the Dakota community not to follow Tarasota north, but to stay near Prince Albert.

Implications
Fear of government discipline and punishment for being associated with the Riel Resistance resulted in members of this band being forced to leave their territory, resulting in an undermining of social cohesion and support networks.The dispersal of families would have fractured the community, breaking support and family networks. During a time of stress, fear, and violence towards Indigenous peoples, this community fracturing would have been even more difficult to process without the social networks and connection to land that they had had before.
Sub Event
Reduction of the Prince Albert Dakota Community
Date
1885-00-00