Federal Governance

Lawrence Vankoughnet’s Memorandum

Summary

Beginning in the 1870s and 1880s, introduced disease and famine afflicted Northern Indigenous peoples, and fur prices tumbled due to a worldwide depression. As a result, communities sought aid from the Canadian government who had taken over the responsibility from the Hudson’s Bay Company. However, in 1887 Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs Lawrence Vankoughnet argued that despite the clear responsibility that the Canadian government had accepted to provide aid through the Rupert’s Land Transfer, life in the North had not been altered by Canadian settlement the and as such remained the responsibility of the HBC.

Implications
Despite having signed the Rupert's Land Transfer in 1899, which included fiduciary responsibility for the welfare of First Nations, communities suffered from state-imposed limitations, altered economic conditions, and received very limited governmental aid until the signing of the numbered treaties, in this case, Treaty 8. In many cases, even after the signing of treaties the government would refuse or withhold rations/aid on the premise of a "work for rations" system, or a desire to deny supply altogether.
Sources

PAC, RG10, BS, file 241209-1

Date
1887-01-19

Klondike Gold Rush

Summary

With the pursuit of gold in the Klondike, prospectors rushed into the Canadian North. Many hundreds of people made the trek north through un-ceded Aboriginal territory. During this period prospectors expanded into other regions—including the area surrounding Lake Athabasca—in search of more gold or other resources. This led directly to a greater North West Mounted Police presence being dispatched in the area. As the government desired the resource wealth of the area, they responded to the longstanding requests of Indigenous people in the area to negotiate treaties.

Implications
The Klondike Gold Rush resulted in increased settler presence. The rapid influx of people resulted in increased disease and illness amongst Indigenous peoples, an interruption in subsistence patterns as pressures on game and fish increased, and increased violence and conflict between Indigenous peoples and miners.
Date
1897-00-00

Treaty 5 Adhesion

Summary

In the summer of 1876 Commissioner Thomas Howard met at the Pas to discuss an adhesion with various Indigenous groups from the region. The Indigenous leaders present were aware that the Treaty 6 agreement had contained more benefits for Indigenous signatories and desired to create a new treaty. However, Howard assured them that this was a new unique treaty agreement despite signing them on as an adhesion to Treaty 5. Ultimately Treaty 5 provided signatories with reserves, annuities, articles for cultivation, hunting, trapping and fishing rights, amongst other promises in exchange for ceding their land rights.

Implications
Treaty 5 signatories received less favourable terms than other numbered treaties. For example, their reserves were smaller than those provided for in Treaty 3, 4 and 6. They were given only 160 acres per family of five. Robert Talbot writes in his biography of Morris, Negotiating the Numbered Treaties. that, "The situation deteriorated further when the Macdonald government, returned to power in 1878, appointed Edgar Dewdney to the newly created and all-powerful position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the North Wet Territory in 1879. With the explicit support of the Macdonal government, Dewdney abandoned the treaties and set in motion a policy that he called "sheer compulsion." He confronted an increasingly agitated Aboriginal leadership with starvation tactics, withholding rations and farm implements from those bands who protested the government's behaviour. He uncercut First Nations autonomy by incarcerating chiefs; he impoverished bands by confiscating horses and carts; he increased the size of of the Mounted police to station officers on reserves; and he prohibited people form leaving their reserves." Pg 160.
Sources

Morris, Alexander. The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North- West Territories Including the Negotiations on which they were based, and other Information relating thereto. Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1991. 143-167

Sub Event
The Pas on the Saskatchewan
Date
1876-09-07

Petition to Canadian Government from Treaty 5 Area

Summary

On June 25, 1874 Chief Rundle and several other Indigenous leaders from the Treaty 5 area petitioned Alexander Morris—Governor of the North-West Territories for a treaty agreement. The petitioners used two main arguments to justify the need for treaty. First of, the population density was exceeding the territory's capacity to provide the necessities of life. Second, changes in the fur trade transportation system, such as the deployment of steamboats, meant many men faced unemployment and that their families would suffer as a consequence. Seasonal labour associated with the fur trade had long been a source of employment and income for the local economy. They argued that the hunting economy was in need of assistance, and sought to relocate to lands that were suitable for farming. A treaty with the government offered a potential remedy for their declining economic circumstances. The three Saskatchewan First Nations included in Treaty 5 are Cumberland House First Nation, Red Earth First Nation and Shoal Lake First Nation. The Manitoba community of Norway House which faced starvation at the time of treaty, sought to relocate to an area north of Lake Winnipeg where lands were more suitable for agriculture.

 

Result

By November 1874 the petitioners had not received a response, a treaty was only negotiated when it was beneficial for the Canadian Government. Citing the “Queen’s benevolence” Morris negotiated Treaty 5 in 1875, but as J.R. Miller outlines there were economic imperatives that likely led the Canadian government to negotiate Treaty 5. Although the region had limited agricultural potential, Indian title needed to be extinguished to allow the free travel of steamships along the Saskatchewan River. The opening up of this waterway would provide new methods of transportation that would allow for the rapid shipment of goods to and from the fertile prairies

Since the lands surrounding Lake Winnipeg were not considered as fertile as the Plains, the commissioners did not offer the same treaty terms as those negotiated in Treaties 3 and 4. For example, the peoples of Treaty 5 were to receive a one-time payment of $5 upon signing the treaty, instead of the $12 given to the peoples of Treaties 3 and 4. In addition, Treaty 5 peoples would only receive 160 acres of land per family, which is one-quarter of the land granted to the peoples of Treaties 3 and 4 (although it is the same amount offered to the peoples of Treaties 1 and 2). The rest of the terms and conditions of Treaty 5 were similar to the previously negotiated Numbered Treaties. As a result, there was little room for negotiation on the part of the Indigenous peoples.

 

Sources

PAM, MG12 B1, Morris Papers, reel 2, no. 783. Petition, Rossville, 25 June 1874. PAM, MG12 B2, Morris Papers, reel 5, no. 258, Morris to the Minister of the Interior 21 May 1875.

Fill

 

Date
1874-00-00

Treaty 6: Fiduciary Obligation for Provisions

Summary

The near-extinction of the bison by 1879 due largely to settler over-hunting led to widespread famine in the subsequent years amongst Indigenous populations in the West. Treaty 6 included a clause stating the Canadian government would aid Indigenous signatories in times of famine - this clause was unique from the numbered treaties before, and was requested by Poundmaker. However, the Liberals and Conservatives in the government reneged on their legal obligation due to the cost of that aid. The Conservatives in power in the early 1880s provided rations to starving Indigenous communities, but this was strongly opposed by the Liberals in the House of Commons because they thought this relief would make the receiving population lazy and complacent.


 

Result

This illustrates the federal government's approach to the treaty agreement as they were attempting to limit the costs associated with their legal obligations to Indigenous signatories. In this case, relief was provided to the First Nations population of Treaty Six, but was justified as a humanitarian act rather than a legal treaty obligation. Dishonouring the treaty agreement and construing ration distribution as a humanitarian act rather than a stipulation upon which a legal agreement had been reached obscured the nature of this agreement.  It also represented an attempt by the government to change the terms of the agreement post-treaty.  Because the obligation to provide assistance was now a legally ambiguous issue, this changing of the terms of obligation contained in Treaty 6 would make it possible to justify non-action in the future.


 

Sources

House of Common, Debates, May 1879-May 1882

Fill

 

Date
1879-00-00

Davin Report

Summary

After returning to power in 1878 the Conservative government employed Nicholas Flood Davin to examine the American Residential Schools system, as well as some Aboriginal schools in Canada to advise the government in the creation of a school system for the Northwest Territories. Davin visited with leaders from the Five Civilized Nations during a visit in Washington. He also visited the White Earth Agency in Minnesota. Using the example of these groups, he created a list of thirteen recommendations for the implementation of industrial boarding schools in the Northwest Territories. The recommendations were: 1. Wherever mission schools exist already, they should be used as industrial boarding schools through the establishment of a contract between the church group and the government. 2. No more than four industrial boarding schools should be established at first. 3. Industrial boarding schools should be established both in the North and the South of Saskatchewan. One should be established near Prince Albert in connection with the Episcopalian Church. 4. A school should be established at the Old Bow Fort in connection with the Methodist Church. 5. Qu'Appelle would be a suitable place for the establishment of a school, which could be associated with the Roman Catholic Church. 6. A school should be established at Riding Mountain with the Presbyterian Church. The importance of schools associated with religion denomination was judged to be obvious, as the first step of "civilizing" Indigenous people was to rid them of their faith. 7. A distinction should be made between parents who sent their children to school regularly, those who were ambivalent to them going, and those who refused to let them go. Those in the first group should be given a material reward, like increased food rations. 8. "Where practicable some inducement of a [moral?] nature should be held out to the child." 9. As bands come to accept education and civilization, school should become compulsory. 10. The moral and intellectual character of teachers is vitally important. Because the moral character of teachers is arguably more important than their intellect, missionaries are ideal candidates for this job because they have the enthusiasm of their religious convictions driving their morals. 11. In order to ensure the quality of the education being offered, schools should regularly be subject to inspections. 12. Special advantages and opportunities should be particularly promising students, who should be trained as teachers and clerks for the Department of Indian Affairs. 13. A teacher's salary should be enough to draw good men to the work. Teachers should be paid according to his qualifications.

Implications
The Davin Report was the foundational document on which the residential school system was constructed in the Canadian West. The Residential School System would displace Indigenous children, separate families, and would perpetuate an environment where abuse in all its forms took place.
Date
1879-03-14

Indian Act Amendment

Summary

In 1911, an amendment to the Indian Act, known as the Oliver Act (section 49a), allowed Aboriginal people living on a reserve next to a town of eight thousand or more people to be removed without consent. The act was named after Frank Oliver, the serving superintendent general of Indian Affairs. With this amendment, the federal government granted itself the ability to displace Indigenous people on sought-after land for Euro-Canadian settlement. Both Indigenous groups and government opponents claimed that this was inappropriate and an abuse of power.

Implications
Parliament was aware that the Oliver Act would cause a breach in treaty rights, but proceeded with the amendment. This showed that the Canadian Government was unconcerned with following law that they had set themselves, and that Indigenous peoples rights were low priority compared to Euro-Canadian settler desires.
Sources

CP, Revised Statutes of Canada, 1906, Vol. 111, p. 2359-69: An Act respecting the Expropriation of Lands (52 Vic, cap. 13, sec. 1: The Expropriation Act), sec. 1.

Sub Event
Oliver Act - Section 49a
Date
1911-00-00

Mistawasis Land Surrender

Summary

In order to stop cattle from neighbouring ranchers from wandering onto the reserve, Mistawasis band members requested fencing materials from their Indian Agent. An agreement was reached where the band surrendered 1,607 acres on both sides of the right of way located at the southeast corner of the reserve. This parcel of land was very suitable for agriculture. On March 20, 1911, Chief Jacob Johnstone, and 22 other band members signed the surrender, along with Agent Borthwick and the interpreter, William Dreaver. The surrender stipulated that the department would sell the 1,607 acres and use the funds to fence the reserve, to purchase three specified pieces of farm machinery, and to maintain the machinery for the first year of operation. The band surrendered much more land than was necessary for the railroad, because they needed more money to buy fencing supplies as well as farming machinery. According to government documents, the land required for the passage of the railway was determined to be 14.14 acres. The money owed to the band by the Canadian Northern Railway was sent well over a year after the company had taken possession of the land.

Implications
In the 1870s, the Government of Canada negotiated various treaties with Aboriginal peoples of the Prairies. One of the crucial elements promised in these treaties was land that would be reserved for the Aboriginal peoples already living there. And yet, less than a dozen years into the new century, almost a quarter of those valuable reserves that were considered essential to enable them to make the 'transition' to an agricultural economy had been surrendered back to the government. Many of the land surrenders that occurred on the Prairies raise arguments regarding the validity of the surrender. Aboriginal communities often allege non-compliance with the Indian Act surrender procedures, being pressured to surrender under duress, undue influence on behalf of Indian agents and government officials, unconscionably, lack of informed consent, and breach of fiduciary obligations in the taking of the surrender itself and in the management and administration of the land and the proceeds after the surrender. Over 100 surrenders were obtained on the Prairies between 1896 and 1911, making way for western expansion and an influx of immigrants. Although government officials often argued that Aboriginal peoples had "more land than they could use," many of these bands had experienced population loss due to epidemics - a population loss that was in part a product of the government's refusal to provide promised farming implements or food rations. The government orchestrated in creating the conditions leading to population loss on reserves, and subsequently took advantage of the situation to gain reserve land from Indian bands. In addition, many of the nations that surrendered their land were in difficult financial situations, and were often indebted to the government. The sale of land was seen as a means to pay back their debts or to purchase much needed food, clothing and farming implements.----------------Evidence collected through various Indian Claims Commission inquiries suggest the land was often bought from the bands at a cost much lower than what it was resold at. For example, the government would offer the band $1.50/acre, and would then sell it to farmers or land developers for $3.00/acre. The government took advantage of the fact that the bands were in need of money as established by the government, and knowingly offered them less than what the land was worth. Most bands had little experience with real estate, land development and speculation, while government officials were well aware of the factors affecting land value and were well connected to the business community. In addition, the notions of private property and land division differed greatly from Indigenous philosophies of communal land use, ownership and responsibility. As with the signing of the numbered Treaties, historians and Aboriginal community members have argued that cultural differences and power imbalances allowed for confusion and abuse in the processes of land surrender. As the bison populations were dwindling, many nations were facing starvation, and entering into treaties was deemed by some leaders to be the best solution to avoid the complete loss of their peoples. In this situation, government officials were in a position of power to negotiate treaty terms that were favourable to the Canadian state, although many Aboriginal leaders did press the officials for better terms for their bands, and requested additional farming tools, schools and medicine chests. However, the government's failure to abide by the terms of the legally binding treaties was not uncommon; many bands never received promised farming implements / livestock, and food rations. Denied the opportunity and the proper tools to succeed in developing agricultural economies, many bands faced hardship and starvation as they once again negotiated the terms to land surrenders with government officials. As settler interest in western lands increased, the federal government responded with a series of Orders in Council and amendments to the Indian Act which increased the government’s control over reserve affairs and facilitated the surrender of treaty reserves. One such measure occurred in 1911 when an amendment to the Indian Act allowed the government to take reserve land without consent when the reserve was in or near a town of more than 8000 people, or where the land was needed for public purposes (please see database entry entitled: Laurier Government Gives Itself Power to Claim Reserve Land for further information on this subject). Although more research is required regarding this subject, some evidence suggests personal interest of Department officials played a part in generating demand for the surrender of Indian lands. The 1915 Ferguson Commission was appointed by the federal government to investigate Indian Affairs officials who were suspected of conflicts of interest in their dealings with reserve land surrenders. Please see database entry entitled: Ferguson Royal Commission for further information on this subject.-------------------------Finally, as aforementioned, Aboriginal leaders and historians have pointed to issues pertaining to consent in the context of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Act of 1876 specified that consent for reserve land surrender had to be obtained from the "majority of the male members of the band at the full age of twenty-one years, at a meeting or council thereof summoned for that purpose according to their rules." Although it was clear from the Indian Act that a majority vote was required, there was much debate within government circles as to whether the “majority” referred to in the Act was a majority of only the qualified members attending the surrender meeting or an absolute majority of all eligible members of the band. Consequently, many land surrenders were premised on loosely interpreted consent rules. Evidence gathered through various Indian Claims Commissions suggests government officials employed coercive measures when negotiating reserve land surrenders. On occasion, cash was offered to band members to bribe them into accepting proposed land surrenders. In addition, as some deliberations lasted several days, and votes were taken multiple times, instances occurred where a majority of band members were absent or had left the negotiations, allowing the government to secure a vote in favour of land surrender. -------------------------The loss of reserve land had many detrimental consequences for Indigenous communities, who were already faced with traditional land base dispossession as European settlement increased rapidly on the Prairies. Despite the professed goals of the federal government to assist Aboriginal people in their transition to agricultural economies, many bands were left with little to no arable land, as the best fertile land was often part of the surrender. Evidence collected throughout various Indian Claims Commission inquiries also found that several bands failed to receive the payment amounts promised by the government, if any payment at all. The loss of large parcels of land also meant a reduced access to resources and traditional hunting grounds, loss of identity and cultural disconnection. It also signified a loss of self-sufficiency and autonomy. As fertile lands were surrendered, many bands struggled to provide sufficient food for their populations, increasing their dependency on the federal government. Federal economic policies such as an 1881 amendment to the Indian Act prohibiting the sale of agricultural products by Indian bands without the consent of the Indian Agent greatly contributed to the hardship many bands faced. Please see database entry entitled Indian Act Amendment: Regulations of sale of agricultural products for further information on this subject. To conclude, in the past 30 to 40 years, many Indigenous communities on the Prairies have undertaken negotiations with the federal government to obtain compensation, either land, financial or both, as a means to redress government wrongdoings in the cases of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Specific Claims Commission, which has investigated many reserve land surrenders in Canada, was established as a temporary independent advisory body authorized to review specific claims rejected by the government and to issue non-binding decisions.
Sources

IACR, file 674/34-12-103, vol. 1

Date
1911-00-00
Documents
File
File Description
Mistawasis Land Surrender

Laurier Government Gives Itself Power to Claim Reserve Land

Summary

The federal government of Wilfred Laurier gave itself the power to take reserve land without consent if it was “needed for public purposes.” This land seizure was justified by the unnecessarily large size of some reserves, especially considering the drop in reserve populations. The Superintendent General was also given permission to remove bands from their reserve or any part of it, if it was in the interest of the public or the Indians, and if the reserve adjoins or is situated wholly or partly within an incorporated town or city having a population of not less than eight thousand.

Implications
In giving themselves this power over reserve lands, the federal government contravened the Indian Act. Federal officials were aware that this practice consisted an infringement upon the Treaty rights of First Nations peoples, but proceeded anyways. This behaviour was in fact illegal and displayed the government's disregard to uphold agreements between them and First Nations peoples.
Sources
Date
1911-00-00
Documents
File
File Description
An Act to Amend the Indian Act: 1-2 George V, Chapt. 14, 11th Parliament, 3rd Session

DIA Requests that Exhibitions Remove Aboriginal Performances from Events

Summary

The Department of Indian Affairs wrote letters to the organizers of agricultural exhibitions in Lethbridge, Calgary, Edmonton, Brandon, Regina, MacLeod, and High River asking them to remove "Aboriginal performances" from their programs. For the most part, this request was simply ignored. The Government believed participating in fairs and exhibitions distracted the Indians from agricultural activities and encouraged them to continue to engage in their traditional customs.

Implications
Although Indian Affairs attempted to completely eliminate the participation of Indigenous peoples in agricultural fairs and exclude them from local social life, organizers and participants of the fairs accepted and encouraged their participation and were unwilling to comply with DIA's request.
Sources

NAC RG 10, vol. 3825, file 60,511-2, F. Pedley to J.W Hyde, Blood Agency

Date
1911-01-00