Integration & Mobility

Forming of Red River Colony (aka Selkirk Settlement)

Summary

Founded in 1812 by Thomas Douglas, 5th Earl of Selkirk, the Red River colony was initially a small and slow growing colony, whose population was mostly European. In 1811, the Hudsons's Bay Company (HBC) granted Douglas 300,000 km of the land it had claimed in the Winnipeg basin. Miles MacDonell, who Douglas chose as a governor, established the settlement at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine rivers. Harsh weather coupled with poor agricultural yields were characteristic of the slow beginnings of the settlement. As a new wave of settlers were set to arrive in 1814, MacDonell issued a proclamation prohibiting the sale and export of pemmican from the colony for that year. According to MacDonell, the rationale behind the Pemmican Proclamation was to ensure adequate provisions for settlers expected to arrive that summer. However, Metis communities who were living along the Red River saw this as a direct threat to their livelihood and economic subsistence. In addition, as the Red River Colony was associated with the HBC, the North West Company (NWC) also saw this as HBC encroachment into their trading territory and trading practices. The tensions caused by this proclamation as well as the intense economic competition between the HBC and the NWC led to the Battle of Seven Oaks (please see database entry on Battle of Seven Oaks). Following the battle and the victory of the Metis, most settlers from the Red River Settlement left the area as they were no longer welcome there. Douglas (Selkirk) returned in 1817, redistributing land to settlers and promising them schools and clergymen. However, the environment remained a threat to the infant colony, as locust devastated the crops in 1818-1819, and a large flood in 1826 nearly devastated the settlement. The settlement population grew slowly over the years, composed of a mix of European and Indigenous descent. As Confederation was being discussed in Ottawa, plans were made to transfer the colony to Canada, although without any consultation and without any guarantee of their future political and property rights. This set the stage for the Red River Resistance (please see database entry on Red River Resistance), during which the colony was admitted to Canada as the province of Manitoba, in 1870.

Implications
The arrival of Selkirk and his settlement project along the banks of the Red and Assiniboine rivers signified a shift in the power dynamics in the region, since Selkirk was associated to the Hudsons's Bay Company, and was seen as representing their interests. When the Pemmican Proclamation was issued, the Metis who had settled along the Red River saw this as a direct threat to their livelihood. In addition, the NWC, their trading ally, saw this as HBC encroachment into their trading territory. Following the Battle of Seven Oaks and Metis victory, settlers were temporarily pushed out of the Red River Colony, and Metis nationalism and nationhood emerged. Several decades later, when the settlement's demographics has changed and competition between the HBC and the NWC was longer an issue as the two companies had merged, the colony was confronted with it's forced annexation into present-day Manitoba. The Red River Resistance was a product of the forced annexation of a large part of Rupert's Land to the newly created province of Manitoba. Many people living in the colony, including many Metis and Metis leader Louis Riel, feared their land rights and culture would be undermined once they became part of Canada. Please see database entry on the Red River Resistance for further information on this event.
Date
1812-00-00

North-West Resistance / Riel Resistance

Summary

After defeats at Fish Creek and Cut Knife General Frederick Middleton asked Indian Commissioner Edgar Dewdney to "issue proclamation warning breeds and Indians to return to their Reserves and that all found away will be treated as rebels." Middleton hoped to fight just the Batoche Metis and avoid inciting an Indian war. Dewdney who had been seeking for a justification to pass ordinances to bring about greater control over the western Aboriginal population supported Middleton's idea. Within hours of receiving Middleton's telegram he issued a notice that all loyal Indians must remain on their reserves.

Implications
Middleton's request led to the creation of the "Pass System" which was fully implemented in the aftermath of the North-West Resistance. The "Pass System," which NWMP were resistant to enforce due to holding no legal ground at first, restricted Indigenous peoples movements confining them to their reserves. If not for the permission of an Indian Agents, any person who left their reserve could face legal action and persecution. This gave Indian Agents and the Government of Canada complete control over the movements of Indigenous peoples and prevented them from partaking in economic and social pursuits.
Sources

NAC, RG10, v. 3584, E. Dewdney, "Notice," 6 May 1885.

Sub Event
Middleton Requests Indians be Confined to Reserves
Date
1885-05-06

Creation of Saskatchewan Fish Products and Saskatchewan Fish Marketing Board

Summary

In an attempt to regulate fisheries and establish a product of uniform quality, the CCF government created the Saskatchewan Fish Products board to operate filleting plants in the province, and later in the same year created the Saskatchewan Fish Marketing Board. Several shipments of fish had been refused at the American border, due to the presence of bacteria found in Saskatchewan lake fish, prompting the government to increase quality inspection and establish quality standards. The SFMB applied many of the same policies that the SFMS did to furs: licenses for local fishers and regulation of fish prices were central to their goals. In 1946, the board was reorganized with the creation of the Saskatchewan Lake and Forest Products Corporation, which included three divisions: fish, timber, and the Box Corporation. The goal of the board was to encourage participation in the fish industry, especially by Indigenous peoples, and to create a government monopoly over the sale and trade of fish. The board also established six stores throughout Northern Saskatchewan as a Crown corporation in order to regulate the purchase and sales of goods in the fishing industry. The board also effectively served as a social services board until it was eliminated in 1949 after years of deficit.                      

After the failure of the Saskatchewan Fish Market Board to stabilize fishing industries, it was reorganized in 1949 to create the Saskatchewan Fish Marketing Service. Fisheries were then structured by region, which were administered by one central administration. An interview with Berry Richards reveals that one purpose of the Fish Marketing Service was to give Indigenous fishermen a better price than paid by private fishing companies. However, this was not the case as many Indigenous fishermen reported that what they received from the Government was substantially less that what they received from private contractors. They were also unable to negotiate better prices for their catch, as they had with private buyers, because the Fish Marketing Service came from a top-down standardized approach which did not allow for negotiation. 


 

Result

The top-down approach the CCF took towards fish marketing, despite intentions to assist Indigenous fishers, ultimately created problems from new restrictions with fishing permits. Indigenous fishers who had previously accessed many different lakes found that they were prevented from fishing if they did not have a permit to continue. This furthered barriers to food and engaging with livelihoods which supported life in the North. Fishing without permits could result in a fine, multiple fines over a period of time, or in some cases incarceration. Similar policies were replicated by the CCF in their implementation of the Fur Marketing Service, another poorly devised program that bought the lives of Indigenous people in the North under further scrutiny. Please see "CCF Social Programming and Erosion of Traditional Life in Northern Saskatchewan" which details how the implementation of these programs undermined Indigenous livelihoods and increased reliance on welfare and social services, an outcome the Provincial Government sought.   


 

Sources
  • Glenbow Archives, M125 James Brady Collection, v. III, "Correspondence, 1933-67," f. 22, "Norris 1945-67 (Mining and Native Rights)," M.F Norris to James Brady, December 5; S-M15, Box 7, "Fish Marketing, 1945-1946," April and May1948 Fish Board Operation Statement; S-M15, Box 8, "Lucas, A.A., Office Manager, Fish Board, 1946-1948," Lucas to Phelps, 24 January 1947; S-M15, Box 9, "Sask. Lake and Forest Products Corporation, 1946-1949," H.H Lucas, Address on mechanics of STB, 16 January 1948; J.F Gray to Phelps, 5 May 1947;
  • Thomas Hector Macdonald McLeod, "Public Enterprise in Saskatchewan: The Development of Public Policy and Administrative Controls" (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1959), 95.
  • Sask Sound Archives Program: Gus McDonald interview, 29 June 1977. 11-12.
  • Carl W. Christenson interview, IH-358, 12 August 1976. 3-4.
  • Saskatchewan Archives Board: S-M15, Box 6, "Fisheries, 1944-1946 (3)," Phelps to L.H Ausman, 19 September 1945
  • SM-15, Box 5, "Economic Advisory Board Recommendations, 1945-1946," DNR Activities Summary for 1945 and plan for 1946, 3
  • Richards, Berry. Interview by Murray Dobbin. Transcript. June 14, 1976. Virtual Museum of Métis History and Culture.Gabriel Dumont Institute. http://www.metismuseum.ca/resource.php/01134\
  • Quiring, David M. CCF Colonialism in Northern Saskatchewan. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2004. 128.
  • Piper, Liza. The Industrial Transformation of Subarctic Canada. Nature, History, Society. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2009. 218.

 

Sub Event
Establishment of Fish Marketing Board Stores in 1945. Reorganized as Saskatchewan Fish Marketing Services in 1949.
Fill

 

Date
1945-00-00
Region

Superintendent Given Control over Pool Rooms and Dance Halls

Summary

The Superintendent General of Indian Affairs was given regulatory power over pool rooms, dance halls, and other recreational locations in order to discourage Aboriginal people from frequenting these establishments. Further restrictions were enacted in 1930 when it became illegal for the owner of a pool hall to allow an Aboriginal person in their establishment.

Implications
This legislation is indicative of a belief that Indigenous people were more susceptible to social vices and excesses than non-Indigenous people, and that participation in these types of recreational activities would be counter-productive to the programs of assimilation and "civilization" that had been imposed by the government. As such, paternalistic policies of protection were viewed as necessary. In doing so, these policies did not extend the same rights or freedoms of choice afforded to non-Indigenous people, nor did it empower them to make their own choices as it relates to their well-being.
Sources

Statutes of Canada (17 Geo. V, cap. 32), p. 157, sec. 92, subsec. (g).

Fill

 

Date
1927-00-00

Prosecution of Pass System Violations

Summary

In an attempt to stop people from using passes to attend ceremonies on other reserves, Deputy Superintendent Graham issued a directive to Indian Agents to prosecute individuals that participated in any activities other than those specified on the pass they were issued. Graham further noted the Royal North-West Mounted Police had greatly cooperated with the wishes of the Indian Agents, and had not questioned the legality of preventing First Nations from participating in dances and other ceremonies on neighbouring reserves. The dances were perceived as a threat because it continued the transmission of traditions and customs, which counteracted colonial methods to eliminate Indigenous cultures across Canada. 

 

Implications
Enforcement of the pass system was an effort by the federal government to control and surveil the activities of Indigenous people in Canada. It should be noted that the pass system was never codified in law. Despite this, the head of the Department of Indian Affairs encouraged government and police officials to deceive Indigenous people about its legality. This event demonstrates government attempts to further restrict the movement of Indigenous people. Prohibition of participation in ceremony disrupted community and kinship networks and means of social support, and spiritual expression. It also constituted a violation of freedom of religious/spiritual thought. Although Indigenous peoples were hindered by the Pass System, and there was significant disruption on the transmission of knowledge, particularly women's ceremonies, they continued to practice them in modified ways or in secret. For example, this directive did not prevent individuals from travelling to outside reserves to participate in communal gatherings.
Date
1921-00-00

Saskatchewan Bands Protest Against Ceremony Prohibition

Summary

Several communities created petitions of complaint that were sent to Indian Affairs against the prohibition on ceremonial gatherings, arguing that other groups had received permission to hold these events.

Implications
This highlights the unequal application of laws prohibiting participation in ceremonies, as well as acts of resistance undertaken to counter these policies.The prohibition of participating in ceremonies was used as a way to assimilate Indigenous peoples. The Canadian Government also feared that the congregation at ceremonial gatherings would result in circumstances similar to the North-West Resistance; By banning participation in them the government could have greater control over the movements of Indigenous populations.
Date
1920-00-00

Plains Cree Disallowed Selection of Desired Reserves

Summary

Concerned about the creation of a strong united Cree community in the Battleford area, Canadian government officials—most notably Edgar Dewdney—did not grant various Cree communities reserves where they desired, and attempted to obstruct a Thirst Dance (Sun Dance) on the Poundmaker Reserve that brought together all Cree communities from the surrounding region.

Implications
To legitimize Dewdney’s actions, the Canadian government passed an order-in-council to make it a criminal offense for a band to refuse to move to a reserve site the Indian Commissioner suggested. This measure was in direct violation of the respective treaty agreement that dictated that Bands could choose their reserve lands.
Date
1884-00-00

Ferguson Royal Commission

Summary

The Ferguson Royal Commission is a federal investigation of land dealings in the Prairies. It found that Indian Affairs officials were often engaged in conflicts of interest as it relates to their dealing with reserve land surrenders. The transcript of the debates in the House of Commons refers to the involvement of James A. Smart, Frank Pedley, and William J. White in the sale of three Indian reserves, and it notes that the three “formed a company of some kind to acquire Indian lands” and employed A.C. Bedford-Jones to represent them. The group made a total profit of $84,000 on the sales of the three reserves. Moose Mountain is the only reserve mentioned by name in the debates, but reference to Chakastaypasin and “IR 100” is made in newspaper articles discussing the findings of the Ferguson Commission. As noted previously, the evidence suggests that IR 100A (Cumberland Band and James Smith Cree Nation) was the third reserve in which this syndicate purchased lands.

Implications
This commission documented the ways in which the process of Indigenous land surrenders and sales were subject to corruption and abuses of power. The government did not, however, cease to engage in problematic land surrenders.
Date
1915-00-00
Documents
File
File Description
James Smith Cree Nation IR100A Inquiry

Inquiry into Indian Participation in Exhibitions

Summary

A federal inquiry into the effects of participation in agricultural exhibitions on Aboriginal people was conducted after Indian Agents complained of their attendance, but had no legal ground for prohibiting it. Fieldworkers and Indian agents who participated in this survey noted the moral temptations that came from these events, and the decreased productivity of farms as a result. They concluded that Indians did not have the good moral judgement to attend these events, and it was against the better good.

Implications
An amendment was made following this inquiry to Section 149 of the Indian Act (which dealt with rituals, celebrations, etc) stipulating that Indians could only participate in these events with the permission of their agent. This further restricted Indigenous movements, and prevented those who were actively invested in farming and agriculture (as encouraged by the Federal Government) from partaking in agricultural society/events. The restriction of Indigenous movements to agricultural exhibitions appears counterintuitive to the government's desire to move Indigenous peoples to agricultural subsistence, reflecting that policies were not in accordance with true desires which was to completely eradicate Indigenous peoples from society altogether (whether through assimilation or death).
Sources

Brief, Bill No. 114. Amendments to the Indian Act: “Of Dances on Reserves” and “The Sun Dance and Other Dances Which Occur in Open Air in summer” PAC, RG10 B.S., Vol. 3825, files 60511-1 and 2: Correspondence regarding Departmental repression on Indian dances, particularly Sun Dance, in Manitoba and the North-West Territories, 1889-1903 and 1904-1911; vol. 6809l file 470-2-3l vol. 5: Scott to Roche, 30 January 1914 with draft bill and brief, p. 7, Amendment Bill Brief Scott sent Lougheed 18 May 1914, p. 17-22;

Sub Event
Section 149 Indian Act Amendment
Date
1914-00-00
Documents
File
File Description
An Act to Amend the Indian Act: 4-5 George V, Chapt. 35, 12th Parliament, 3rd Session

Creation of Nekaneet Reserve

Summary

Chief Foremost Man and the Nakaneet First Nation (Cree) signed Treaty 4 on September 15, 1874. However, the band refused to leave the Cypress Hills area with others who were forcibly removed in 1883, and remained in the area living without a reserve and the benefits of annuities and other Treaty rights. Foremost Man was not averse to living on a reserve; but if the government insisted that he settle on a reserve he wanted it to be in the Cypress Hills area.----------------------- However, the government did not want Indian reserves south of the Canadian Pacific Railway because it was worried about cross-border conflicts between different bands. Other policies which limited movement of Indigenous people as it relates to Canada-America border crossings suggests Canadian officials feared conflict and collusion with American Indians. A more recent interpretation suggests that Canadian authorities were concerned about the potential danger of a concentration of Cree on adjacent reserves in the Cypress Hills, as this would create an Indian territory in which the residents would be difficult to control. ------------------------ After Foremost Man's death in 1897, the band, now led by Chief Crooked Legs, pursued Foremost Man's dream of a reserve in the Hills, eventually hiring a lawyer to promote their cause. The Government conceded in 1913, granting a small reserve at Maple Creek. Still, it was not until 1975 that the Government agreed to pay them their treaty benefits.

Implications
Bands that were unwilling to conform to the Canadian government's Sheer Compulsion policy (see related entry) of the nineteenth century were not granted reserve lands as a result. In this case, the people of the Nekaneet band were told they could not settle on a reserve in the Cypress Hills. Edgar Dewdney, Commissioner of Indian Affairs at the time, violated oral promises he had made in 1880 and 1881 to allow the Cree and Assiniboine reserves in the Cypress Hills. The Nekaneet band is one example of bands who were required to wait decades before being granted a reserve on their chosen territory, even though treaty agreements stipulated that bands were able to choose their own reserve lands. Once established on reserve land in 1913, very little was done to help this community engage in economic development in transitioning to a Western capitalist economy and commoditized labor. It was not until 1955 that the band's children were permitted to attend day schools. To this day, the band faces serious economic problems, with many members having to engage in off-reserve economic activities.
Date
1913-00-00
Community