Residential Schools

Death of Lazarus Charles

Summary

In 1891 there was an incident at the Battelford Industrial School in which a student, Lazarus Charles, was confined to some specially built cells in the basement and subsequently became ill and died after being taken home by his parents. This incident was yet another complaint leveled against the administration of Rev. Thomas Clarke, sparking a debate within the Department of Indian Affairs for power of authority in matters affecting Indian education. Since the Northwest/Riel Resistance in 1885, complaints were made regarding the access parents had to their children, the exploitation of student labor, Rev. Clarke's management of the school faculty, dietary concerns, and insufficient medical. These complaints eventually led to the dismissal of Rev. Clarke as principle of the school in 1894.

Sources

(All - Reed Papers, vol. 14, file Hayter Reed 1893, 1404, H. Reed to to Deputy SGIA, 16 June 1893; vol. 13, S.T. Macadam, 193, S.T. to Principal, 27 Feb. 1893; file W. Latimer 1893, W. Latimer to Dear Sir, 28 Feb. 1893; File J. Ansdell Macrae, 787, 788, 789, J.A. Macrae to Reed, 14 July and 23 Nov. 1891; 791, J.A. Mcrae to DSGIA, 15 Dec. 1892.)

Date
1891-00-00

Mismanagement of Battleford Industrial School Under T. Clarke

Summary

By the early 1890s Rev. Thomas Clarke was receiving criticism for his mismanagement of students and school staff, particularly women. He was also criticized for his lack of fiscal responsibility. Indian affairs found Clarke to be "dictatorial", and his management style caused as much trouble with the staff as it did with the local Indigenous communities from whom students originated. Hayter Reed reported that the students were not being sufficiently disciplined nor advancing appropriately in their English-speaking skills. The Anglican church, particularly the Archbishop of Saskatchewan and Calgary, were of the opinion that the school was inadequate in its religious instruction. Coupled with alcoholism, these issues led to Clarke being fired form the position of principle in 1894.

Date
1890-00-00

Complaints Concerning Diet and Medical Attention at Battleford Industrial School

Summary

Following the North-West Resistance in 1885, the administration of Rev. Thomas Clarke was frequently criticized for the school's inadequate diet and lack of medical attention given to the students. Clarke attempted to deflect the blame for insufficient food onto the Department of Indian Affairs, claiming "there is not a meal without the children asking for more bread. In Spite of Macrae's orders, I have given it to them." Clarke rejected the complaints about the students receiving poor medical attention as untrue, reporting in 1887 that "the health of the boys had been very good except for common minor ailments." The Indian Agent at Carlton reported that the children’s parents frequently complained about their children’s treatment and the fact that the sick were not looked after properly. For example, children were insufficiently fed, poorly clothed, and dirty and were isolated and neglected in the sick ward when ill. They also said that the children were improperly supervised giving the older children opportunity to bully and mistreat the younger children. - These reports were substantiated by "Indians whom I have generally found worthy of credence.." according to the Indian Agent. These complaints, combined with a dwindling attendance rate and criticisms of his management of the school staff, led to Rev. Clarke being fired from his position as principle of the Battleford Industrial school in 1894.

Sources

(McCord Museum, Reed Family Papers, Box 1, Folder 6, T. Clarke to H. Reed, 28 Sept. 1891.) (Reed Papers, vol. 16, file Battleford 1897-92, 479, Finlayson to H. Reed, 12 June 1891, 'Private'.)

Date
1886-00-00

Battleford Industrial School Fails to Meet Enrollment Expectations

Summary

Since the opening of the Battleford Industrial School in 1883, the school struggled to maintain the expected enrollment numbers. After the North-West Resistance in 1885, enrollment dropped even more meaning the school fell well short of the departmental expectations of 30 girls and 30 boys. Principal Clarke had suspicions that someone was advising the parents to not send their children to the school. It was not uncommon to find girls serving as maids in the principal’s house or for a family in town while they were supposed to be in school and any wages they made were appropriated by the school in addition to the child labor already used to supplement the school. The physical and structural damage that the school facilities suffered during the Resistance and a lack of supplies forced Rev. Clarke (the principal) to turn away some applications from parents who wished to enroll their children. Clarke was able to set up a temporary school and continue teaching in a make-shift school located on the western outskirts of town, but he was unable to enroll the sixty students expected by the department. By the late 1880s the relationship between the school and the local Indigenous communities had soured. When the question of Industrial Schools was brought up it was met with 'universal dissatisfaction' by both parents and children. Complaints leveled at the school included keeping children longer than originally agreed upon, the apparent exploitation of the student body, the inability of parents to remove their children from the school, as well as dietary and medical concerns for the students. In addition to these complaints, by 1890, Rev. Clarke, also came under criticism for his managing of the school staff and his administrative responsibilities. These issues resulted in Rev. Clarke being fired from his position as school principle in 1894.

Sub Event
Rev. T. Clarke Fired as Principle
Date
1883-00-00

Half-Day System and the Exploitation of Student Labour

Summary

Since the manifestation of 'manual labour schools' in the 1840s through the 1950s, a distinguishing feature of the residential school system was their use of the half-day system. This model was devised by the Methodist Cleric, and school superintendent for the future Ontario, Egerton Ryerson. The theory behind this system was that half the day should be dedicated to curriculum studies and the other half should be spent learning trades, such as farming, blacksmithing and other skills deemed useful to Euro-Canadian economy. The objective of this system was "to give a plain English education adapted to the working farmer and mechanic," while also allowing the schools to be self-sufficient after a few years "with judicious management."

Implications
Egerton Ryerson believed that the half-day system was necessary for the success of the students in their assimilation into Euro-Canadian society. This belief was based on the colonial notion that "in the case of the Indian ' nothing can be done to improve and elevate his character and condition without the aid of religious feeling,'" and therefore ‘learning’ manual labour was the only way in which students would be able to contribute to Euro-Canadian society. Unanimously, reports from across the country consistently noted that the labour portion of the half-day system often took precedence and overlapped with the student’s academic studies. Students were forced to complete arduous labour at the benefit of the schools and their faculties. The exploitation of student labour was justified as being vocational training, an integral element in Ottawa's goals for the Residential School system. Solomon Johnston, a former student of an industrial school in Saskatchewan claims "the teachers only taught us enough so that we could just begin to read. The older girls taught us in the evening but during the day we cut wood, picked stones - all the worst jobs. We didn't learn anything."
Sources

Bear, Shirley, Funk, Jack, and Saskatoon District Tribal Council. "...And They Told Us Their  Stories": A Book of Indian Stories. Saskatoon: Saskatoon District Tribal Council, 1991.

Miller, J. R. Shingwauk's Vision: A History of Native Residential Schools. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1996.

Milloy, John S. A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System, 1879 to 1986. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1999. 169-173.

Sub Event
Exploitation of Student Labour
Date
1840-00-00
Region

Creation of Nekaneet Reserve

Summary

Chief Foremost Man and the Nakaneet First Nation (Cree) signed Treaty 4 on September 15, 1874. However, the band refused to leave the Cypress Hills area with others who were forcibly removed in 1883, and remained in the area living without a reserve and the benefits of annuities and other Treaty rights. Foremost Man was not averse to living on a reserve; but if the government insisted that he settle on a reserve he wanted it to be in the Cypress Hills area.----------------------- However, the government did not want Indian reserves south of the Canadian Pacific Railway because it was worried about cross-border conflicts between different bands. Other policies which limited movement of Indigenous people as it relates to Canada-America border crossings suggests Canadian officials feared conflict and collusion with American Indians. A more recent interpretation suggests that Canadian authorities were concerned about the potential danger of a concentration of Cree on adjacent reserves in the Cypress Hills, as this would create an Indian territory in which the residents would be difficult to control. ------------------------ After Foremost Man's death in 1897, the band, now led by Chief Crooked Legs, pursued Foremost Man's dream of a reserve in the Hills, eventually hiring a lawyer to promote their cause. The Government conceded in 1913, granting a small reserve at Maple Creek. Still, it was not until 1975 that the Government agreed to pay them their treaty benefits.

Implications
Bands that were unwilling to conform to the Canadian government's Sheer Compulsion policy (see related entry) of the nineteenth century were not granted reserve lands as a result. In this case, the people of the Nekaneet band were told they could not settle on a reserve in the Cypress Hills. Edgar Dewdney, Commissioner of Indian Affairs at the time, violated oral promises he had made in 1880 and 1881 to allow the Cree and Assiniboine reserves in the Cypress Hills. The Nekaneet band is one example of bands who were required to wait decades before being granted a reserve on their chosen territory, even though treaty agreements stipulated that bands were able to choose their own reserve lands. Once established on reserve land in 1913, very little was done to help this community engage in economic development in transitioning to a Western capitalist economy and commoditized labor. It was not until 1955 that the band's children were permitted to attend day schools. To this day, the band faces serious economic problems, with many members having to engage in off-reserve economic activities.
Date
1913-00-00
Community

Davin Report

Summary

After returning to power in 1878 the Conservative government employed Nicholas Flood Davin to examine the American Residential Schools system, as well as some Aboriginal schools in Canada to advise the government in the creation of a school system for the Northwest Territories. Davin visited with leaders from the Five Civilized Nations during a visit in Washington. He also visited the White Earth Agency in Minnesota. Using the example of these groups, he created a list of thirteen recommendations for the implementation of industrial boarding schools in the Northwest Territories. The recommendations were: 1. Wherever mission schools exist already, they should be used as industrial boarding schools through the establishment of a contract between the church group and the government. 2. No more than four industrial boarding schools should be established at first. 3. Industrial boarding schools should be established both in the North and the South of Saskatchewan. One should be established near Prince Albert in connection with the Episcopalian Church. 4. A school should be established at the Old Bow Fort in connection with the Methodist Church. 5. Qu'Appelle would be a suitable place for the establishment of a school, which could be associated with the Roman Catholic Church. 6. A school should be established at Riding Mountain with the Presbyterian Church. The importance of schools associated with religion denomination was judged to be obvious, as the first step of "civilizing" Indigenous people was to rid them of their faith. 7. A distinction should be made between parents who sent their children to school regularly, those who were ambivalent to them going, and those who refused to let them go. Those in the first group should be given a material reward, like increased food rations. 8. "Where practicable some inducement of a [moral?] nature should be held out to the child." 9. As bands come to accept education and civilization, school should become compulsory. 10. The moral and intellectual character of teachers is vitally important. Because the moral character of teachers is arguably more important than their intellect, missionaries are ideal candidates for this job because they have the enthusiasm of their religious convictions driving their morals. 11. In order to ensure the quality of the education being offered, schools should regularly be subject to inspections. 12. Special advantages and opportunities should be particularly promising students, who should be trained as teachers and clerks for the Department of Indian Affairs. 13. A teacher's salary should be enough to draw good men to the work. Teachers should be paid according to his qualifications.

Implications
The Davin Report was the foundational document on which the residential school system was constructed in the Canadian West. The Residential School System would displace Indigenous children, separate families, and would perpetuate an environment where abuse in all its forms took place.
Date
1879-03-14

Indian Act Amendment

Summary

A 1906 amendment to the Indian Act, put in place under the Laurier government, allowed the government to distribute immediately to band members up to 50% of the purchase price of land, rather than the previous 10%. The rest was to be held in trust in a capital account for the band in question. The Indian Advancement Act was incorporated as Part II of the Indian Act. In regards to distribution of moneys owed from sale of lands, Section 70 of the Indian Act was amended to read: "The Governor in Council may...direct how, and in what manner, and by whom, the moneys arising from the disposal of Indian lands, or of property held or to be held in trust for Indians...or from any other source for the benefit of Indians...shall be invested from time to time, and how the payments or assistance to which the Indians are entitled shall be made or given; and he may provide for the general management of such moneys, and direct what percentage or proportion thereof shall be set apart, from time to time, to cover the cost of and incidental to the management of reserves, lands, property and moneys under the provisions of this Act, and may authorize and direct the expenditure of such moneys for surveys, for compensation to Indians for improvements or any interest they have in lands taken from them, for the construction or repairs of roads, bridges, ditches and watercourses on such reserves or lands, for the construction and repair of school buildings and charitable institutions, and by way of contribution to schools attended by such Indians."

Implications
This was an attempt by the federal government to further encourage Aboriginal groups to sell off portions of their reserve lands for settlement, as they would receive greater immediate financial benefit from the sale of their reserve lands. It also served to remove Indians from reserves next to a sizeable town. The inclusion of the Indian Advancement Act as part of the Indian Act created one overarching piece of legislation concerning Aboriginal people. With the amendment to section 70 of the Indian Act, monies owed to Indigenous peoples but held in trust were taken and used at the discretion of the government for what was perceived as improvement of reserves and Indigenous lives by construction and maintenance of schools, voluntary sector supports (charities), and local infrastructure such as roads, bridges, ditches and watercourses. Indigenous people were perceived as being socially and intellectually incapable of making these decisions on their own. The resultant loss of agency and autonomy had long-term consequences in terms of undermining their capacity to engage their decision-making skills in these areas. The building of government-authorized and church-run schools hastened the assimilative agenda. Voluntary sector supports such as charities became necessary as cycles of poverty became entrenched in Indigenous communities and previous cultural means of providing intra and inter-community financial support, such as the Potlatch, had become outlawed. During 1906 debates for the land surrender provision to be included in the Indian Act amendments of the same year, a speaker named R.S. Lake, a member of the North-West Territories Legislative Assembly, delivered his argument as to why the Crooked Lake reserve reduced in size. Pressure to open up nearby reserves for white settlement (Cowesses, Kahkewistahaw and Ochapawace) had begun as early as 1885, shortly after these bands had moved on to their allotted lands near Crooked Lake. Lake argued that “the people in that section are most anxious that a portion at any rate of that reserve should be placed on the market.” The anxiousness of the settlers was demonstrated by multiple petitions to Clifford Sifton, minister of the Department, asking him to at least open up a 3 mile strip along the southern edge of the reserve’s boundary. As such, the dominant EuroCanadian perspective was that the reserve was not being used to capacity and thus was not only hampering white settlement in the area, but was also placed next to the main line of the CPR, which cut off a great deal of business for the nearby towns of Whitewood and Broadview. As well, since the reserve’s use of the land did not conform to Eurocentric standards, which dictated that land existed to be “productive” (ie. cultivated through agriculture), it was being wasted by sitting idle and was decried as “worse than useless” by Broadview Justice of the Peace Thomas Evans. Lake believed that the amount of land available to the Indigenous people living on the reserve was far more than they could ever use, according to his own standards of what they were capable of cultivating for agricultural purposes, which belies an ignorance of Indigenous subsistence patterns and the volume of land needed to live off the land sustainably. He pronounced the supposed waste of land and obstruction to settlement to be a “great drawback to the progress of our country.” In the same debate, Mr. R.L. Borden acknowledged that western Canada was rapidly developing - it had indeed received an influx of approximately one million immigrants between the years of 1896 and 1905. In that case, Borden argued that it was the government’s responsibility to make every effort to bring about better conditions as far as the development of the white population was concerned. This prioritization of white settlement interests over any legal/treaty obligations to Indigenous peoples was echoed by Minister of the Interior Oliver, who noted that “it would never do to allow the possibility of constructing a railway to rest upon the good will of a body of men who have no interest whatever in its construction...there is a recognized public necessity in connection with a railroad which makes it proper that private rights should be to some extent overridden...of course the interests of the [white] people must come first, and if it becomes a question between the Indians and the whites, the interests of the whites will have to be provided for...in the last resort legislation would be necessary.” This foreshadowed the inclusion of the land surrender provision in the Indian Act amendments of that year. During the same debate, Mr. Fowler also noted that it was not in the best interests of the Indians, morally speaking, for them to be so close to the cities as they had a habit of picking up more of the vices of the whites than their virtues: “Moreover it is not particularly good for the morals of the Indians themselves that they should be so close to the towns as they are in these cases. As we know, the Indians are not so strong to resist temptation as are the whites; they more easily acquire the vices of the whites than they do their virtues. Of course, the rights and interests of the Indians must be considered and safeguarded by the Indian Department; but it would be a very important matter for the people of these communities which I know, and of which therefore I speak, for the department to take steps to remove these Indians from reserves, paying them a proper and reasonable price for their lands….I think this is a matter that might be well looked into.” By presuming to paternalistically act on behalf of the best interests of the local Indigenous people by opening up their reserve land and moving them back from the town site, as well as providing the opportunity for the destitute individuals on these reserves to receive much-needed income from the sale of the lands, the government was able to maintain the appearance of acting in good faith while also opening the area up for white settlement. It should be noted that in an 1886 correspondence between Indian Agent McDonald and Indian Commissioner David Laird, McDonald stated "the Indians will be giving up far more valuable lands than they will be receiving." McDonald reiterated these sentiments in an 1891 correspondence to the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs: “although I am most anxious that the views of the people of Broadview should be met, still from my position as Indian Agent I am bound in the interests of the Indians to point out the difficulties in the way, which are tersely these. If these lands are surrendered by the Indians, no reasonable money value can recompense them, as their Hay lands would be completely gone, and this would necessitate no further increase of stock, which would of course be fatal to their further quick advancement, and would be deplorable, and the only alternative that I can see is to give them Hay lands of equal quantity and value immediately adjacent to the Reserves interested, which I do not think is possible now.” Chief Kahkewistahaw himself is recorded, in a 1902 letter between Commissioner Laird and Department Secretary J.D. McLean, as having told the representatives from the Department: “I will tell you what I think. I was glad when I heard that you were coming to see us. When we made the treaty at Qu'Appelle you told me to choose out land for myself and now you come to speak to me here. We were told to take this land and we are going to keep it. Did I not tell you a long time ago that you would come some time, that you would come and ask me to sell you this land back again, but I told you at that time, No.”
Sources

Revised Statues of Canada, 1886 (49 Vic, cap. 43), sec. 70. p. 669 Revised Statutes of Canada 1906 (6 Edward VII, cap. 81), sec. 89, p. 1469; Canada. House of Commons. Debates, 30 March 1906.

Sub Event
Land Surrender Provisions, Increased Distribution of Reserve Land Purchase Price, Inclusion of Indian Advancement Act
Date
1906-00-00

Student Death at Battleford Industrial School

Summary

Commissioner Dewdney reported to Ottawa that a student named 'Calah' had died at the Battleford Industrial School on May 26,1884 from injuries sustained prior to enrollment. In response, Rev. Clarke suggested that that all students should be examined by a doctor before enrollment. This idea was favored by Commissioner Dewdney who forwarded the recommendation on to Ottawa. On January 23, 1885 authorization was given by Ottawa to implement Clarke's suggestion.

Sources

(E. Dewdney, Commissioner, Letter to "The Right Honourable, The Superintendant General of Indian Affairs". B.S., (RG 10) Ottawa: P.A.C.)

Sub Event
New students to be examined by a doctor before enrolment
Date
1884-05-26

Inspection of the Battleford Industrial School

Summary

In 1884 Inspector T.P. Wadsworth reported that the classroom "was a large cheerless room." In addition, he recommended that the school should be supplied with iron desks and assorted teaching materials (maps, lesson cards, library books, and library equipment). He also suggested that white servants should be employed at the school to prevent the passing of messages between the students and the aboriginal community. Following Inspector Wadsworth's report, Rev. Clarke wrote a letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Edgar Dewdney, which laid out a number of improvements to the facilities and services that he felt should be made. Commissioner Dewdney forwarded these recommendations to Ottawa for approval but received no immediate reply to authorize the improvements.

Implications
The proposed improvements were never carried out on the Battleford Industrial School, partially because Ottawa never authorized the changes and partially because of the social tensions in the region due to unresolved Indigenous grievances - these would eventually culminate in the Northwest/Riel Resistance. The school had struggled with student truancy, resistance from parents, and dwindling attendance numbers since it had opened in 1883. By late 1884 the school had also narrowly escaped being destroyed by fire, and communal fears and resentment towards "the government's intention of copying the American system if decentralizing the agencies to the reserves." With the outbreak of the Northwest Rebellion in 1885 the school would be completely abandoned until it was occupied as a barracks by the Canadian forces. The proposed improvements never took place because the government was responsible for school funding and had allotted a set amount of money for all three industrial schools they had set up in cooperation with the Anglican Church. Any finances required above and beyond what had been provided would not be provided. The school at Battleford received the least amount of money out of the three schools. Additionally, the school was also reported to have almost burned down by the Herald not once but twice. The lack of concern for the safety of children attending these schools is indicative of the lack of value associated with Aboriginal children at this point in time.
Sources

(Sessional Papers, 1885, Paper No.3, p. 213-214.) (Wadsworth, Inspector, "Report to Ottawa, Battleford, Oct. 25, 1884," B.S, (RG 10) Ottawa: P.A.C.) (Clarke, Letter to "Indian Commissioner, Regina, N.W.T., February 13, 1885" B.S., (RG 10) Ottawa: P.A.C.) (Herald, Volume 7, No. 10, February 27, 1885.)

Sub Event
Poor conditions of the school
Date
1884-10-00