Federal Governance

Community Development Submission to Cabinet

Summary

In the 1960s, disparities between Indigenous welfare expenditures and settler welfare expenditures were significant, with spending on the former outweighing the latter. As a result, the government saw a need to counter the growing welfare expenditures. Walter Rudnicki pitched a community development program to cabinet which called on provinces to partially assume the expenses of health and welfare transfer payments. This proposal also vaguely focused on increased self-sufficiency for Indigenous peoples, although no concrete steps were outlined. Cabinet approved the program on May 28, 1964.

Implications
This program was, in effect, a large-scale integration (and assimilation) policy, as confirmed by Rudnicki had confirmed himself. It was believed that removing the fiduciary obligation of Indigenous welfare from the federal government and distributing it to provincial and band governments would remove the status of Indigenous peoples (at this time, status only applied to First Nations as Inuit and Métis). The Government argued that status supposedly prevented them from being economically responsible, permitting 'dependence on federal welfare.' Removing the status of Indigenous peoples at this time threatened the protections and Treaty rights that had been agreed upon by signatories nearly a century prior. This would allow the government to legally steam-roll Indigenous peoples with a new access to Indigenous lands and resources as title to them would be extinguished with the removal of 'status.'
Sources

NAC, RG-10, CR Series, Vol. 8194, File 1/29-6, Part 3, Memorandum to Cabinet, 'Community Development, Indian Affairs Branch,' February 1964, with covering memorandum to the Deputy Minister, C.M Isbister from R.F Battle, Director, Indian Affairs Branch, Ottawa, n.d, items 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9

Sub Event
Community Development Submission to Cabinet
Date
1964-02-00

Sexual Abuse in Residential Schools

Summary

Many students experienced sexual abuse at the hands of school faculty, local clergy members, lay persons from the local community, and other students. Some victims of sexual assault in Residential Schools have remained silent about their experiences for multiple reasons, including shame, fear of disbelief, and symptoms of psychological trauma that are harmful to retell to the survivors. However, given the number of survivors who have reported sexual assault, and the extensive research already collected on the conditions of Residential schools, it is inarguable that sexual violence was widespread throughout the institutions, having immediate and long-term effect on Indigenous peoples and their communities. This is affirmed by Mel H. Buffalo, an adviser to the Samson band in Alberta, who says that "every Indian person I have spoken to who attended these schools has a story of mental, physical or sexual abuse.". Several incidents of sexual abuse and neglect occurred under Principle McWhinney at the Crowstand IRS. Following incidents of abuse in 1914, D. C. Scott, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, instructed that female students be sent home. It was deemed the institution was no longer safe to continue mixed education of boys and girls.


 

Result

Sexual violence/abuse was recorded since the beginning of Residential Schools in the late nineteenth century. Abuse was usually ignored or covered up by school and church authorities. Those that were addressed rarely went beyond the perpetrator being told to stop with no further action taken. It was not until the late 1980s and early 1990s that allegations of sexual exploitation/assault by faculty were treated seriously with a number of investigations, arrests, and convictions. While there has been some institutional response from the federal government and church in more recent years, there continues to be barriers in acquiring support and compensation for many survivors and the long-term impacts of Residential Schooling. One ongoing legal battle the federal government has spent 3.2 million dollars against since 2013 are the survivors of St. Anne’s residential school in Ontario. Survivors have asked for a renegotiation of compensation terms after new information “documenting the serious nature of the sexual and physical abuse rampant at St Anne’s” (Royal Canadian Geographical Society, A Fight For Truth) was released following the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The federal government denies that larger compensation is owed. This demonstrates the continuation of settler colonial violence against survivors and the wavering commitment of the Canadian Government to engage in true reconciliation with Indigenous peoples.  


RG-10 RECORDS AND DOCUMENT SUMMARY

 

RG10, C- 8147, Vol. 6027, File 117-1-1, part 1; Title: Agent Blewett to Secretary, 21 July, 1914.

Regarding the investigation into the hapenning at Crowstand school in March and May of 1914. "From statements, of five of the larger girls, signed by these girls in the presence of witnesses, I find that during March last H. Everett, then farmer at the school, entered the girls dormitory alone on two nights and spent some time in the company of two girls in seperate beds. A few nights after this, Everett, with five boys from the Reserve adjacent, entered the same dormitory and spent about half an hour there, each boy (except one who had no girls) got into bed with one of the girls. The girls deny that any immoral acts were committed, but in the case of three older ones, I doubt the truth if this. In May last, from statements signed by Harriet Papequosh and Clara Fiddler, Everett had these two girls, seperatly in his private room, and locked the doors and had sexual intercourse with them." Regarding principle Mc Whinney being sick at the time of the investigation: "I found out after that he knew of the irregularities and had dismissed Everett, so that before I had definite facts to proceed on, Everett had left this district. I will try to bring him to justice. I would like advice as to what I had better do regarding the Reserve men who were in the school with Everett that night. The girls in question are 14 and 15 years old." Regarding Crowstand school: "The School Building at Crowstand is not at all suitable for good, safe and healthy work and if the Boarding School is to be continued a new school should be built at the earliest possible moment, before more serious things happen.


RG10, C- 8147, Vol. 6027, File 117-1-1, part 1; Title: Agent Blewett to Secretary, August 25, 1914.

 

"After giving the matter careful consideration, Scott concludes that it would not be well to continue the co-education of the sexes in this school any longer. For this reason it has been decided to return the girls to their parents so that their mothers may be in a position to look after them until other suitable arrangements can be made for their education. The school may be kept for the boys exclusively and Mr. McWhinney is being instructed to discharge all the girls and return them to their homes. Scott does not accept the responsibility of condoning McWhinney's treatment of the Everett incident. Scott believes McWhinney is no longer of great use at Crowstand as the Indians have no confidence in his management of the school."


   RG10, C- 8147, Vol. 6027, File 117-1-1, part 1; Title: D.C. Scott to A. Grant, 19 September, 1914.

Regarding the irregularities reported at Crowstand School: "I beg to say that I am pleased to learn, on final hearing in court, from the girls concerned, that the reserve boys were not in the dormitories as formerly reported, but were trying to get in only. As it was on oath we must believe it, although Mr. Bradford and myself thought it the case of all but two there were doubts, however we accepted it and hope it is true. Mr McWhinney has written me stating that Everett confessed to him before he was dismissed, that he had immoral relations with the girls in question, but being unwell at the time and hoping the young man would be benifited by this lesson, he sent him from the school and closed the matter up." In a correspondence dated 19 September, 1914 to Reverend Andrew Grant from the Deputy Superintendent General, it is noted that the girls were eventually sent home from the Crowstand school, and it became a only boys school until further arrangements were made.


 

Sources
  • Baiguzhiyeva, Dariya. “St Anne’s residential school survivors reject Ottawa’s request for independent review.” TIMMINSTODAY.com. March 26, 2021. https://www.timminstoday.com/local-news/st-annes-residential-schoolsurvivorsreject-ottawas-request-for-independent-review-3578450
  • Capitaine, Brieg, and Vanthuyne, Karine, eds. Power through Testimony: Reframing Residential Schools in the Age of Reconciliation. Vancouver: UBC Press,  2017. 321.
  • Milloy, John S. A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System, 1879 to 1986. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1999. 144-145.
  • Miller, J. R. Shingwauk's Vision: A History of Native Residential Schools. Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1996. 337-338.
  • Royal Canadian Geographical Society, Issuing Body. “A Fight for Truth.” In, Indigenous Peoples Atlas of Canada = Atlas Des Peuples Autochtones Du Canada. First ed. Aboriginal Education Collection. 2018. https://indigenouspeoplesatlasofcanada.ca/article/a-fight-for-truth/ 

 

 

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Date
1876-00-00
Region
Church

Mismanagement of Battleford Industrial School Under T. Clarke

Summary

By the early 1890s Rev. Thomas Clarke was receiving criticism for his mismanagement of students and school staff, particularly women. He was also criticized for his lack of fiscal responsibility. Indian affairs found Clarke to be "dictatorial", and his management style caused as much trouble with the staff as it did with the local Indigenous communities from whom students originated. Hayter Reed reported that the students were not being sufficiently disciplined nor advancing appropriately in their English-speaking skills. The Anglican church, particularly the Archbishop of Saskatchewan and Calgary, were of the opinion that the school was inadequate in its religious instruction. Coupled with alcoholism, these issues led to Clarke being fired form the position of principle in 1894.

Date
1890-00-00

Last Indian Agent Removed

Summary

The last Indian Agent was removed from his post in 1969 as the program was phased out.

Implications
Following the end of the political restrictions imposed by the agent since the 1880s, bands could now freely elect their chiefs, and in theory, could administer more of their own services like education, housing, water treatment, etc. This also meant that those under jurisdiction of Indian agents would no longer be subject to maltreatment, bias, and surveillance by an Indian Agent. However, this did not mean that First Nations and bands were free from government control or scrutiny, or given full self-governance.
Date
1969-00-00

Dreaver Report

Summary

Written by Chief Joseph Dreaver of Mistawasis, this report surveyed 67 bands in Saskatchewan and called for band control and administration of land. In response, L.L Brown suggested that there was a necessity for bands to accept Euro-Canadian land divisions if they wished to integrate into Canadian society.

Implications
The response of L.L. Brown is indicative of the privileging of Eurocentric perceptions of land use and ownership, as well as disregard for the capacity of Indigenous peoples to self-govern. This is a continuation of colonial attitudes that were introduced at Contact, as Europeans dismissed Indigenous modes and philosophies of governance as inferior.
Sources

Report of Chief Joseph Dreaver, Sr, to the Indian Affairs Branch, December 6, 1962; Letter to the Executive Assistant to the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, Re: The Dreaver Report, from L.L Brown, Chief, Agencies Division, Indian Affairs Branch, 3 January 1963. [NAC, RG-10, CR Series, Vol. 8584, File 1/1-2-16]

Date
1962-00-00

Legislature Passes Resolution to Ask Ottawa for Complete Control of Indian Affairs

Summary

The Saskatchewan legislature unanimously passed a resolution in 1961 to request that Ottawa transfer complete control over Indian Affairs administration to any province that wanted it. Premier Douglas suggested implementing a 25-year transition period for the transfer of power. Ottawa rejected the request from Saskatchewan.

Implications
The Saskatchewan provincial government sought to gain more unilateral control over Aboriginal affairs, but the federal government continued to hold onto as much control as possible under the law. While the CCF saw a transfer of power to provincial government as the best way to address issues directly effecting Indigenous peoples, the assumption that power should be given to the provincial government instead of local Indigenous governments shows the paternalistic approach that politicians perpetuated.
Sources

Glenbow Archives, M125, series VI, file 56, CCF 1954-61, Douglas, To my Indian Friends, 30 May 1960

Date
1961-00-00

Second Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Affairs

Summary

The second federal Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Affairs began hearings in 1959 and concluded with the presentation of their report on July 8, 1961. The main tone of this report and its recommendations was the inclusion of Aboriginal people within pluralistic Canadian society and their rights of citizenship, pushing towards full citizenship rights and the removal of special status. The Saskachewan government's brief to the Committee was devoted to suggestions to ease and facilitate the process of integration. The discussion of traditional Indigenous culture was cast almost entirely in terms of how it handicapped Aboriginals who were trying to "get ahead" in modern society. "Traditional" Aboriginals were described as permissive in their child-rearing practices, averse to established routines, lacking in reliability and punctuality, and given to sharing, rather than accumulating, wealth. The brief's message was clear - to succeed in Western society, First Nations people would have to be the ones to adapt.

Implications
In 1960, the Indian Act was amended, giving First Nations people in Canada the right to vote in federal elections. The philosophies underlying this Parliamentary Committee proposal would later inform the development of the Trudeau/Chretien White Paper in 1969, particularly as it relates to the removal of legally-binding treaty rights for Indigenous people.
Sources

Canada, Joint Committee of the Senate and the House of Commons on Indian Affairs, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence, No.8, 2 May 1961. James M. Pitsula, "The Saskatchewan CCF Government and Treaty Indians, 1944-1964," Canadian Historical Review 75, 1 (March 1994): 24.

Date
1959-00-00

Changes to Provisions for Family Allowance

Summary

The Department of National Health and Welfare decided to supply specific foods, rather than direct payment of funding to First Nations peoples and Inuit who were already receiving Family Allowances.  The federal government felt that those on Family Allowance would be 'irresponsible' with their allowance; Instead, the government regulated the distribution of goods so that family allowances could only be used for particular foods.  This prohibited Indigenous families from purchasing other necessary items and took a paternalistic view that assumed Indigenous guardians were not capable of caring for their families. Additionally, food insecurity was only exacerbated by the changes in access to game. mobility restriction on and off reserves, and environmental degradation due to resource development/extraction that came as a result of westward settlement.

Implications
This event is an example of a lack of consultation with Indigenous peoples, and of paternalistic government practices that undermined the autonomy of Indigenous peoples and creating a hostile environment where it was increasingly difficult to survive.
Sources

NAC, RG-10, CR Series, Vol. 7094, File 1/10-3-0, Letter to all Indian Superintendents, Regional Supervisors of Indian Agencies and the Indian Commissioner for British Columbia, from H.M Jones, Director, Indian Affairs Branch, Ottawa, 7 August 1956.

Date
1956-08-00

‘Welfare and Relief Assistance for Indians’ Policy Document Issued

Summary

This document was the government’s first “unified ‘policy manual’” relating to welfare and relief assistance for First Nations people. It continued to stand behind the policies that had been put in place and continued since 1915. The document focused on the required degrees of support to encourage self-sufficiency, and its relationship to administration of relief.

Implications
These policies were constructed without consultation or input from First Nations people as goals and strategies for economic development, and, as such, represents a continuation of the imposition of paternalistic government policy.
Sources

'Welfare and Relief Policy,’ General Policy; Relief Food [NAC, RG-10, CR Series, Vol. 7094, File 1/10-3-0]

Date
1952-00-00

Indian Act Amendment

Summary

Furthering the steps taken by the 1920 amendment that granted the superintendent general the authority to decide whether a woman who married a non-First Nations man was allowed to live on reserve, this amendment automatically enfranchised women who married non-status men, barring them from living on-reserve. It also forced enfranchised women to sell their reserve lands and to be paid the treaty monies to which they were entitled. This amendment also introduced the ‘double-mother’ rule, where a child whose mother or grandmother had obtained status solely through marriage automatically lost their status at age 21 [section 12(1)(a)(iv)]. Women were also allowed to vote in band elections with this amendment. Intoxicant prohibition was also reinforced, making it illegal for an Aboriginal person to possess alcohol or to be intoxicated both on and off-reserve. ---------------- In other sections, this Act removed some of the power of the Superintendent-General that existed in previous iterations, giving greater control to Aboriginal groups. However, significant power still lay in the hands of the Minister and Governor-in-Council. ------------------- Regulations concerning participation in ceremonies, attendance at fairs and rodeos, and expropriation of reserve lands that had been added mostly between 1890 and 1918 were removed in this version.

Implications
Although this amendment removed some of the sexism in the band election process, it added sexist membership and status rules for women that would remove Indian status for many women. It should also be noted that this discriminatory amendment (which required enfranchised women to sell their reserve land and barred them from living on reserves) left women who were victims of violence in a precarious position. It is quite possible that women who lived in isolated or remote rural communities would not have access or transportation to domestic violence shelters. And, if transportation were available, without having an alternate home, it is possible that leaving a partnership in which domestic violence were present would leave the enfranchised woman homeless. The harms associated with domestic violence can have significant long-term physical and psychological and effects for enfranchised women, and, in addition to these impacts, can have negative developmental effects on children as well. ---------------- This amendment, along with the 1956 amendment, opened the door for the Saskatchewan provincial government to request permission from the federal government for First Nations people to be able to purchase alcohol and patronize bars.
Sub Event
Greater Federal Control Over First Nations Identity (1951 Amendments)
Date
1951-00-00