Community Breaking/Fracturing

Runaways and the Residential School System

Summary

 

            Running away was a consistent response to the frequent pattern of abuse within the Residential School system. According to the testimony of one survivor, Joe Kapoeze, his experience at school consisted of watching over the children as they tended to farm work such as milking cows. Kapoeze recalled, "As I got bigger, I got another job and this time I watched over the kids. I used to watch the school children and wasn’t really being teached in school and that’s why I don’t know anything. I was always working and if I’m not doing anything, they would teach us about religious things, so I didn’t really learn anything at all.” Due to this, Joe felt it would be better to run away home where he knew he would learn more and be treated better.

Implications
In 1967, Assistant Deputy Minister, R.F. Battle, admitted "It is not uncommon for Indian children to run away." Often, students who ran away did so as a response to physical, sexual, verbal, spiritual, and/or emotional abuse. Children not only ran away in ones and twos but sometimes en masse. On May 7, 1953, "all 32 boys in [a Saskatchewan school] were truant...following disciplinary action." If caught, the students were usually returned to their school, sometimes being held in jail until they were retrieved by a representative of the school. Some of those who were not caught and returned to the school made it to their homes. However, occasionally student runaways resulted in the deaths of children (four student deaths occurred in this manner during the decade of 1957-1967); drowning, freezing, and starvation were just some of the causes of death. Not every missing child or death was recorded by the schools, however, so the true numbers remain obscured due to the lack of documentation.

In 1971, the Department of Indian Affairs attempted to address student runaways with a policy that was supposed to find solutions that school, field staff, and community officials could search for runaways “more effectively.” This new policy included "residence staff to be alert during times of severe weather," "emphasizing the need for discussion of the problems of runaways," and the "implementation of a regular program of survival training for students." The policy focused on steps to take after the students had run away, while failing to address the reasons why students were willing to risk their lives to leave schools in the first place.
Sources

(INAC File 772/23-16-010, Vol. 1, 2 May 1953.) (INAC File 487/25-1-014, Vol. 1, 27 August 1963) (INAC File 487/25-1-014, Vol. 1, R.F. Battle to The Acting Minister, 26 January 1967.) (N.A.C. RG 10, Vol. 6186 File 460-23, Part 1, 14 June 1941) (N.A.C. RG 10 Vol. 6332, File 661-1, Part 2, MR C 9810, J. Ostrander to Sir. 19 January 1935) (INAC File 961/25-1, Vol. 1) (INAC File 451/25-2-004, Vol. 2, 9 September 1968) (INAC File 377/25-13, Vol. 1, Verdict of Coroner's Jury, 17 December 1970) (INAC File 377/25-13, Vol. 1, J.B. Bergevin to H.B. Cotnam, M.D., 1 March 1971) (INAC File 487/25-1-014, Vol. 1, R.F. Battle to the Acting Minister, 26 January 1967)

The Truth and Reconciliation Council. "They Came For the Children."  Winnipeg, MB: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2012. 52.

Milloy, John S. A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School  System, 1879 to 1986. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1999. 284-287.

Helen and Joe Wheaton. Interview by Murray Dobbin. ”Helen and Joe Wheaton interview on Metis experiences of discrimination, land dispossession and economic activity.” Transcript. Gabriel Dumont Institute Visual Museum Oral Histories Archive. June   17, 1976,           http://www.metismuseum.ca/media/document.php/01089.Wheaton,%20Helen.pd f          

Date
1876-00-00

English Protestant Migration into Manitoba

Summary

Following the Red River Resistance and the Manitoba Act’s passing a wave of new settlers from Eastern Canada arrived in Manitoba. These individuals were largely English Protestant and were linguistically and religiously intolerant. The French Metis experienced violence and a general disregard for their land rights.

Implications
As a result of discrimination and mistreatment experienced many French Metis migrated further West. Racist attitudes towards Indigenous and Métis people contributed to their isolation and economic difficulties, as many were denied jobs and other opportunities because of their race and the perceived negative stereotypes associated with being "Indian". These stereotypes included laziness, promiscuity and uncleanliness. Indeed, racially based interpretations of human behavior which were prevalent among european settlers at the time restricted Métis people's ability to advance through company ranks or gain meaningful employment. The increasing importance of land ownership which accompanied european migration meant Métis people, who often did not have recognized title to their land, were stripped of the land they had been cultivating and living on. In addition, the imposition of the township land holding system in western Canada resulted in the departure of many Metis families from the Red River area. The Métis agricultural system was based on the french-canadian style river lot farms.
Date
1870-00-00

Government Official Bribes Peepeekisis Band Members

Summary

Band members and File Hills Farm Colonists were becoming frustrated with the increasing outsider settlement on their reserve. Observing this, Graham persuaded Ottawa to pay each member of the reserve twenty dollars to sign an agreement allowing settlement on the reserve, rather than taking a vote, which was the legal way to get approval for settlement. Graham tried to avoid the concerns raised by band members about settlement on the reserve, instead circumventing the proper procedure and simply bribing members for their compliance. According to Graham, once the amount was paid out to band members, the Department would have the right to admit graduates of Industrial Schools onto the reserve without having to consult with the band.

Implications
The act of distributing bribes constitutes coercion and is illegal. In addition, Graham, acting as a government official, violated legal and democratic procedures by circumventing federal voting policy as it related to settlement on reserve lands.
Fill

Peepeekisis

Date
1911-00-00

Peepeekisis Reserve Subdivision

Summary

Two subdivisions of the original reserve land of Peepeekisis took place to accommodate incoming colonists. Band members were displaced from their original land mass of 26,624 acres to a much smaller area of approximately 7,600 acres.

Implications
In the 1870s, the Government of Canada negotiated various treaties with Indigenous peoples of the Prairies. One of the crucial elements promised in these treaties was land that would be reserved for the Indians. And yet, less than a dozen years into the new century, almost a quarter of those valuable reserves that were considered essential to enable Indians to make the transition to an agricultural economy had been surrendered back to the government. Many of the land surrenders that occurred on the Prairies raise arguments regarding the validity of the surrender. Indigenous communities often allege non-compliance with the Indian Act surrender procedures, being pressured to surrender under duress, undue influence on behalf of Indian agents and government officials, unconscionability, lack of informed consent, and breach of fiduciary obligations in the taking of the surrender itself and in the management and administration of the land and the proceeds after the surrender. Over 100 surrenders were obtained on the Prairies between 1896 and 1911, making way for western expansion and an influx of immigrants. Although government officials often argued that Indians had more land than they could use, many of these bands had experienced population loss due to epidemics - a population loss that was in part a product of the government's refusal to provide promised farming implements or food rations. The government played an active part in creating the conditions leading to population loss on reserves, and subsequently took advantage of the situation to gain reserve land from Indian bands. In addition, many of the nations that surrendered their land were in difficult financial situations, and were often indebted to the government. The sale of land was seen as a means to pay back their debts or to purchase much needed food, clothing and farming implements.----------------Evidence collected through various Indian Claims Commission inquiries suggest the land was often bought from the bands at a cost much lower than what it was resold at. For example, the government would offer the band $1.50/acre, and would then sell it to farmers or land developers for $3.00/acre. The government took advantage of the fact that the bands were in dire need of money and knowingly offered them less than what the land was worth. Most bands had little experience with real estate, land development and speculation, while government officials were well aware of the factors affecting land value and were well connected to the business community. In addition, the notions of private property and land division differed greatly from Indigenous philosophies of communal land use, ownership and responsibility. As with the signing of the numbered Treaties, historians and Indigenous community members have argued that cultural differences and power imbalances allowed for confusion and abuse in the processes of land surrender. As the buffalo populations were dwindling, many Indigenous nations were facing starvation, and entering into treaties was deemed by some leaders to be the best solution to avoid the complete loss of their bands. In this situation, government officials were in a position of power to negotiate treaty terms that were favourable to the Canadian state, although many Indigenous leaders did press the officials for better terms for their bands, and requested additional farming tools, schools and medicine chests. However, the government's failure to abide by the terms of the legally binding treaties was not uncommon; many bands never received promised farming implements / livestock, and food rations. Denied the opportunity and the proper tools to succeed in developing agricultural economies, many bands faced hardship and starvation as they once again negotiated the terms to land surrenders with government officials. As settler interest in western lands increased, the federal government responded with a series of Orders in Council and amendments to the Indian Act which increased the government’s control over reserve affairs and facilitated the surrender of treaty reserves. One such measure occurred in 1911 when an amendment to the Indian Act allowed the government to take reserve land without consent when the reserve was in or near a town of more than 8000 people, or where the land was needed for public purposes (please see database entry entitled: Laurier Government Gives Itself Power to Claim Reserve Land for further information on this subject). Although more research is required regarding this subject, some evidence suggests personal interest of Department officials played a part in generating demand for the surrender of Indian lands. The 1915 Ferguson Commission was appointed by the federal government to investigate Indian Affairs officials who were suspected of conflicts of interest in their dealings with reserve land surrenders. Please see database entry entitled: Ferguson Royal Commission for further information on this subject.-------------------------Finally, as aforementioned, Indigenous leaders and historians have pointed to issues pertaining to consent in the context of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Act of 1876 specified that consent for reserve land surrender had to be obtained from the "majority of the male members of the band at the full age of twenty-one years, at a meeting or council thereof summoned for that purpose according to their rules." Although it was clear from the Indian Act that a majority vote was required, there was much debate within government circles as to whether the “majority” referred to in the Act was a majority of only the qualified members attending the surrender meeting or an absolute majority of all eligible members of the band. Consequently, many land surrenders were premised on loosely interpreted consent rules. Evidence gathered through various Indian Claims Commissions suggests government officials employed coercive measures when negotiating reserve land surrenders. On occasion, cash was offered to band members to bribe them into accepting proposed land surrenders. In addition, as some deliberations lasted several days, and votes were taken multiple times, instances occurred where a majority of band members were absent or had left the negotiations, allowing the government to secure a vote in favour of land surrender. -------------------------The loss of reserve land had many detrimental consequences for Indigenous communities, who were already faced with traditional land base dispossession as European settlement increased rapidly on the Prairies. Despite the professed goals of the federal government to assist Indigenous people in their transition to agricultural economies, many bands were left with little to no farmable land, as the best fertile land was often part of the surrender. Evidence collected throughout various Indian Claims Commission inquiries also found that several bands failed to receive the payment amounts promised by the government, if any payment at all. The loss of large parcels of land also meant a reduced access to resources and traditional hunting grounds, loss of identity and cultural disconnection. It also signified a loss of self-sufficiency and autonomy. As fertile lands were surrendered, many bands struggled to provide sufficient food for their populations, increasing their dependency on the federal government. Federal economic policies such as an 1881 amendment to the Indian Act prohibiting the sale of agricultural products by Indian bands without the consent of the Indian Agent greatly contributed to the hardship many bands faced. Please see database entry entitled Indian Act Amendment: Regulations of sale of agricultural products for further information on this subject. To conclude, in the past 30 to 40 years, many Indigenous communities on the Prairies have undertaken negotiations with the federal government to obtain compensation, either land, financial or both, as a means to redress government wrongdoings in the cases of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Specific Claims Commission, which has investigated many reserve land surrenders in Canada, was established as a temporary independent advisory body authorized to review specific claims rejected by the government and to issue non-binding decisions.
Sources

Indian Claims Commission, "Peepeekisis First Nation Inquiry: File Hills Colony Claims" (March 2004)

Date
1902-00-00

Cypress Hills Cree Forced to Leave

Summary

Cree groups living in the Cypress Hills were told by Indian Affairs officials that they were not going to be issued rations until they left the region and moved onto reserves in the Qu'Appelle, Battleford, and Fort Pitt areas. This was part of the 'Sheer Compulsion' strategy. They were issued rations at Fort Walsh to fuel their journey to Prince Albert, and received more rations for the final portion of their journey. Big Bear and a group of followers remained at their camp about twenty miles from Fort Walsh into 1882, and were some of the last to accept the move out of the Cypress Hills.

Implications
This was a move towards the "ethnic cleansing" of the Southwest portion of province, with approximately 5,000 Indigenous people people displaced from the Cypress Hills during that year. The forced removal of the Cree from their territory in the Cypress Hills region is similar to the forced relocations of other Indigenous groups onto reserve land not chosen by the group themselves (as dictated in treaties). The Canadian Government's approach was meant to segregate/assimilate Indigenous peoples from their home territories in order for colonial settlement of the West, part of MacDonald's National Policy.
Sources

Saskatchewan Herald, 24 June 1882, 1. Debates of the House of Commons, March 24, 1882, p. 542-543. Report of John C. Nelson, Dominion Land Surveyor, December, 1882, PAC RG-10, Vol. 3621, f. 4754.

Date
1882-03-24

Flood of Immigrants into the West

Summary

Settlement and development in southern Saskatchewan initiated a greater need for products that could be found in the north. As a result, new companies began extracting resources from Northern Saskatchewan. Loggings, the fisheries, and mineral extraction was initiated in the decades following the turn of the twentieth century.

Implications
Resource extraction disrupted and threatened the traditional livelihoods of Metis in the region. Additionally, resource development in the North would also lead to forced relocations of Indigenous groups off their home territories or reserve lands. The destruction of the environment for resource development would affect subsistence patterns, migration patterns of game such as caribou, create new environmental outcomes such as flooding, and affect the quality of water and food Indigenous peoples needed to survive.
Sub Event
Impact on Northern Saskatchwan Metis Communities
Date
1890-00-00

Poorman's Land Surrender Request

Summary

The Poorman's band requested a surrender of a portion of their reserve as a means to generate income following poor hunting and growing seasons. Discussions regarding a surrender began. The department recognized that the land was good and equal to the land outside the reserve, which sold for $20.00 an acre, and proposed to pay $10.00 an acre to the reserve, should a surrender be agreed to. However, citing difficult economic times, the government refused to take the surrender at that time, insisting they wait until the markets had improved, to make a greater profit off the land. In 1918 they completed the surrender of 8080 acres, because of the destitution of the band.

Implications
Poorman's band sought a surrender as a means to create income to help their band members. The members of the band stated that economic circumstances were making survival difficult, and intended on using the profits from the sale of their land to purchase food, clothing and farming equipment. However, Indian Affairs was more concerned with the profits from their land sale than the wishes of the band. It was only under extreme circumstances that Graham agreed to make the surrender in 1918. -------------------------- In the 1870s, the Government of Canada negotiated various treaties with Indigenous peoples of the Prairies. One of the crucial elements promised in these treaties was land that would be reserved for the Indians. And yet, less than a dozen years into the new century, almost a quarter of those valuable reserves that were considered essential to enable Indians to make the transition to an agricultural economy had been surrendered back to the government. Many of the land surrenders that occurred on the Prairies raise arguments regarding the validity of the surrender. Indigenous communities often allege non-compliance with the Indian Act surrender procedures, being pressured to surrender under duress, undue influence on behalf of Indian agents and government officials, unconscionability, lack of informed consent, and breach of fiduciary obligations in the taking of the surrender itself and in the management and administration of the land and the proceeds after the surrender. Over 100 surrenders were obtained on the Prairies between 1896 and 1911, making way for western expansion and an influx of immigrants. Although government officials often argued that Indians had more land than they could use, many of these bands had experienced population loss due to epidemics - a population loss that was in part a product of the government's refusal to provide promised farming implements or food rations. The government played an active part in creating the conditions leading to population loss on reserves, and subsequently took advantage of the situation to gain reserve land from Indian bands. In addition, many of the nations that surrendered their land were in difficult financial situations, and were often indebted to the government. The sale of land was seen as a means to pay back their debts or to purchase much needed food, clothing and farming implements.----------------Evidence collected through various Indian Claims Commission inquiries suggest the land was often bought from the bands at a cost much lower than what it was resold at. For example, the government would offer the band $1.50/acre, and would then sell it to farmers or land developers for $3.00/acre. The government took advantage of the fact that the bands were in dire need of money and knowingly offered them less than what the land was worth. Most bands had little experience with real estate, land development and speculation, while government officials were well aware of the factors affecting land value and were well connected to the business community. In addition, the notions of private property and land division differed greatly from Indigenous philosophies of communal land use, ownership and responsibility. As with the signing of the numbered Treaties, historians and Indigenous community members have argued that cultural differences and power imbalances allowed for confusion and abuse in the processes of land surrender. As the buffalo populations were dwindling, many Indigenous nations were facing starvation, and entering into treaties was deemed by some leaders to be the best solution to avoid the complete loss of their bands. In this situation, government officials were in a position of power to negotiate treaty terms that were favourable to the Canadian state, although many Indigenous leaders did press the officials for better terms for their bands, and requested additional farming tools, schools and medicine chests. However, the government's failure to abide by the terms of the legally binding treaties was not uncommon; many bands never received promised farming implements / livestock, and food rations. Denied the opportunity and the proper tools to succeed in developing agricultural economies, many bands faced hardship and starvation as they once again negotiated the terms to land surrenders with government officials. As settler interest in western lands increased, the federal government responded with a series of Orders in Council and amendments to the Indian Act which increased the government’s control over reserve affairs and facilitated the surrender of treaty reserves. One such measure occurred in 1911 when an amendment to the Indian Act allowed the government to take reserve land without consent when the reserve was in or near a town of more than 8000 people, or where the land was needed for public purposes (please see database entry entitled: Laurier Government Gives Itself Power to Claim Reserve Land for further information on this subject). Although more research is required regarding this subject, some evidence suggests personal interest of Department officials played a part in generating demand for the surrender of Indian lands. The 1915 Ferguson Commission was appointed by the federal government to investigate Indian Affairs officials who were suspected of conflicts of interest in their dealings with reserve land surrenders. Please see database entry entitled: Ferguson Royal Commission for further information on this subject.-------------------------Finally, as aforementioned, Indigenous leaders and historians have pointed to issues pertaining to consent in the context of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Act of 1876 specified that consent for reserve land surrender had to be obtained from the "majority of the male members of the band at the full age of twenty-one years, at a meeting or council thereof summoned for that purpose according to their rules." Although it was clear from the Indian Act that a majority vote was required, there was much debate within government circles as to whether the “majority” referred to in the Act was a majority of only the qualified members attending the surrender meeting or an absolute majority of all eligible members of the band. Consequently, many land surrenders were premised on loosely interpreted consent rules. Evidence gathered through various Indian Claims Commissions suggests government officials employed coercive measures when negotiating reserve land surrenders. On occasion, cash was offered to band members to bribe them into accepting proposed land surrenders. In addition, as some deliberations lasted several days, and votes were taken multiple times, instances occurred where a majority of band members were absent or had left the negotiations, allowing the government to secure a vote in favour of land surrender. -------------------------The loss of reserve land had many detrimental consequences for Indigenous communities, who were already faced with traditional land base dispossession as European settlement increased rapidly on the Prairies. Despite the professed goals of the federal government to assist Indigenous people in their transition to agricultural economies, many bands were left with little to no farmable land, as the best fertile land was often part of the surrender. Evidence collected throughout various Indian Claims Commission inquiries also found that several bands failed to receive the payment amounts promised by the government, if any payment at all. The loss of large parcels of land also meant a reduced access to resources and traditional hunting grounds, loss of identity and cultural disconnection. It also signified a loss of self-sufficiency and autonomy. As fertile lands were surrendered, many bands struggled to provide sufficient food for their populations, increasing their dependency on the federal government. Federal economic policies such as an 1881 amendment to the Indian Act prohibiting the sale of agricultural products by Indian bands without the consent of the Indian Agent greatly contributed to the hardship many bands faced. Please see database entry entitled Indian Act Amendment: Regulations of sale of agricultural products for further information on this subject. To conclude, in the past 30 to 40 years, many Indigenous communities on the Prairies have undertaken negotiations with the federal government to obtain compensation, either land, financial or both, as a means to redress government wrongdoings in the cases of reserve land surrenders. The Indian Specific Claims Commission, which has investigated many reserve land surrenders in Canada, was established as a temporary independent advisory body authorized to review specific claims rejected by the government and to issue non-binding decisions.
Sources
Date
1914-00-00
Community

Residential Schools as Catchments for 'Neglected' Children

Summary

Beginning in the early 1950s there was a shift in the character of residential schools from educational institutions to "a sort of foster home which endeavour[ed] to cater to the social and emotional needs of the child." This shift was brought about by the development of admission regulations. Each child was to be assigned to one of six categories based on the social and economic background of the child. A census taken in 1953 by the Department of Indian Affairs revealed that out of the 10,112 children in residential schools, 4,313 fell into a category defining them as neglected or as being in homes that were unfit because of parental indifference or over-crowding. In 1966 out of the 9,778 children in school 75 per cent fell into this category and in 1975 the children estimated to be from "broken or immoral homes" had risen to 83 per cent in the Gordon Residential School, 64 per cent in the Muscowequan Residential School, and 80 per cent in the Cowessess Residential Schools. Despite these findings, the official view of the Department was that this "was not a product of economic circumstances but of parental moral shortcomings."

 

Result

The departments deflection of blame onto parents rather than government and departmental policies/actions as the root cause of neglect demonstrates the perpetual colonial belief of western superiority in education and parenting. In fact, it was not poor parenting that resulted in the neglect and poor health of Indigenous children, rather it was the government's genocidal and destructive policies that created conditions wherein children experienced neglect. Residential schools disrupted parenting while also instilling harmful beliefs in Indigenous children about themselves and their cultures, subjected them to various and extreme forms of abuse which mentally and physically impacted children, their parents, and communities, and were responsible for undermining Indigenous teachings, knowledge, and concepts of well-being integral to the meaningful upbringing of children. By denying access to resources, land, and traditional subsistence patterns, stripping rights to cultural practices/freedom, and enforcing residential schooling the government manifested an environment where Indigenous children were unprotected. To insinuate that neglect "was not a product of economic circumstances but of parental moral shortcomings" denies all responsibility that the Government of Canada had in creating economic and social inequities, and the deterioration of wellbeing in Indigenous children. 

The government of Canada was also responsible for developing inequitable and racist policies which served to bolster the success and support of Settler Colonists while intentionally underserving and criminalizing Indigenous peoples. Wealth and housing inequities are cumulative effects of Colonialism.  

Sources
  • INAC File 6-21-1, Vol. 2, 13 December 1956.
  • INAC File 40-2-185, Vol. 1, Relationships Between Church and State in Indian Education, 26 September 1966. See Also: File 671/25-2, Vol. 3, 24 Jan. 1974; and File 675/25-13, Vol. 2, 16 June 1975; and from R. Martin, 24 March 1975.
  • INAC File 675/25-1-018, Vol. 2, N.J. McLeod, to Chief Education Division, 8 December 1960; and File 675/25-13, Vol. 1, 18 Jan, 1974.
  • INAC FIle 675/25-13, Vol. 1, 29 March 1974.
  • INAC File 673/25-13, Vol. 2, 30 June 1975.
Sub Event
Students distributed into 'admission categories' based on socioeconomic factors
Fill

 

Date
1953-00-00

Attempt to Take Chakastapaysin Reserve Through Order-in-Council

Summary

Hayter Reed attempted to use an order-in-council to force the Chakastapaysin reserve to revert to the crown, rather than negotiating a surrender. He planned instead to amalgamate the membership of that band with the James Smith and Cumberland House bands. The Justice Department ruled that this move was not legal. Instead, the Department succeeded in negotiating the surrender of the band's entire reserve, and their amalgamation with the other two bands in 1897. The surrender was signed by only 9 band members, though it is not certain how many were present to witness the negotiations.

Implications
This event represents the various means through which the Crown repeatedly attempted to reduce the amount of land owned by Indigenous people in the province, despite the legally binding nature of Treaty agreements, which dictated that First Nations people would be accorded reserves. As well, many Indigenous bands were enduring famine, starvation and repeated epidemics in the late 19th and early 20th century, placing them in a position of vulnerability as it related to their survival. While the government frequently neglected to fulfill other treaty agreements, such as providing Indigenous people with sufficient equipment for farming (please see entries on severalty system and peasant farming) and failing to distribute sufficient aid in the form of medical care and food rations. Left with dwindling food and financial resources in an introduced cash economy, Indigenous peoples were forced to negotiate the selling or surrendering of their reserve land.
Sources

v. 6663. f . 109A-1. E. L Newcombe to the Acting Secretary of the Department of Indian Affairs, May 14, 1897. v. 1598. chacastapasin surrender, June 25, 1897. copy in in Indian Treaties & surrenders. 1912 (no. 383, v, III. p. 200). v.6663, f.109A-3-1. J,M, McTaggart to the Minister of the Interior, October 12, 1895; Secretary of the Department of the Interior to Reed, December 18. 1895; Reed to Forget. February 8, 1896.

Sub Event
Chakastapaysin Land Surrender
Date
1895-00-00

Division of Little Red River Reserve

Summary

On February 16, 1889, people from La Ronge and Montreal Lake gathered at the mouth of the Montreal River for the purpose of signing Treaty 6. No land was alloted at the time of the signing since the people were trappers and fishermen and ranged over the entire area south of Foster Lake and north of what is currently known as Waskesiu. In 1896, land was set aside south of Prince Albert National Park for those members of Montreal Lake and La Ronge who wished to farm.The Little Red River Reserve was officially divided between the Lac La Ronge and Montreal Lake bands in 1948, making band governance and control over this land much easier. Even up until 1948 the bands had been fighting off petitions for the sale of their land, and the division made dealing with these petitions much easier.

Implications
The division of this reserve, along with changes to the boundary of Prince Albert National Park, gave members of Montreal Lake and Lac La Ronge bands greater access to lands in this region.
Date
1948-00-00