Scrip

Introduction of Road Allowances

Summary

A road allowance is land that had been surveyed and set apart by the government for future roads and development - it was the margin between provincial land and Crown land. The state simultaneously denied Métis land rights and also would not allow them to purchase land. The decision to permit Métis families to move onto road allowances was one that further perpetuated their economic marginalization. Some Métis found and occupied abandoned shacks and rail cars as housing was not provided on road allowances. After 1885, the Métis were effectively legally ignored by all levels of government until the 1930s, when a surge of Métis political organization engaged in consciousness-raising and mobilization.

Metis were denied their land rights following the Red River Resistance and Riel Resistance.  The land dispossession of many Metis resulted in their establishing residence on unoccupied road allowances on Crown land.  Metis people disposessed of their homelands and unable to reside in road allowance communities were pushed to find shelter on elsewhere.  


 

Result

In addition to a lack of access to education and healthcare, being restricted to the road allowance with no access to farmland and limited work opportunities meant that families were often relegated to finding temporary, low-paying work. Racism and prejudice also factored into the struggle for many Métis to find long-term, well paying work; Métis were socially relegated to undesirable jobs due to hiring discrimination and an assumption that they were incapable/unreliable. As well, the search for such work resulted in a high level of transience and disrupted schooling for Métis children that were able to attend. Many Métis families experienced poverty, and this was particularly severe during the Great Depression when conditions worsened both economically and environmentally (the Dust Bowl).



 

Sources
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Date
1885-00-00

Distribution of Metis Scrip in Association with Treaty 10

Summary

Metis communities in northern Saskatchewan (formerly North-west Territories) began appealing to the Crown in approximately 1886-87 to have their land claims recognized. Although the North-west Commission of 1885 would have surveyed a large number of Metis claims in the North-west Territories, there would have been a number of factors which would have prevented Metis who lived farther north from attending, such as distance. It was extremely difficult for families to leave their work for a number of days during the busy summer months. As well, many Metis were illiterate and did not speak English, and would have been unfamiliar with the complicated and unorganized bureaucratic process inherent to the policies of the Metis land claims Commissions. The process of applying for one’s claim was time-consuming as it required not only travelling to the Commission’s sitting, but travelling to the Dominion Land Office as well to mark one’s claim on a map. Sometimes scrip coupons were issued immediately, other times individuals had to wait for months for their claim to process. As well, if the land upon which the individual resided had not yet been surveyed, they could not use the land or money scrip to obtain title to their land. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For the government, the purpose of distributing scrip was to extinguish Metis claims to land title, just as treaties did for non-Metis Aboriginal people. A distinct difference between the two, however, is that the Metis claims were dealt with individually, while Aboriginal title to land was collectively extinguished. Similar to the numbered Aboriginal treaties, Commissioners were appointed by orders in council to hold sittings at locations where Metis could come and fill out the requisite government applications. Although scrip had been issued for many decades, perhaps most notably in Manitoba following the Red River resistance in the 1870s, as well as in Saskatchewan in the 1880s and in conjunction with Treaty 8, the existence of prior commissions did not quell the fears of the Metis that their rights to occupation and land title would be recognized by the government. Ottawa’s intent to settle the west was demonstrated by their failure to follow through with their decade-long delay in distributing land in Manitoba following the issuance of land scrip in 1880. The Metis correctly assessed the situation by recognizing that the Crown was more preoccupied with the interests of the Settler population than the rights of the Metis people. In response, the Metis continually petitioned Ottawa regarding their concerns in the 1870s and 1880s, which are clearly documented by government records and correspondence from that time period. These concerns were ignored and resulted in growing political tension and the Riel resistance of 1885. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- As well, the decline of the buffalo in the 1880s as a result of enormously wasteful hunting by the Settler population required that the Metis transition to a new way of life. This wasteful consumption is starkly contrasted by the careful stewardship of the buffalo by the Metis, in which judicious hunting was exercised and all parts of the buffalo used. The fur trade was also in decline. Since the sharp dual decline of buffalo and the fur trade 1880s, requests had been made by the Metis for assistance in transitioning to a way of life based on a different economy. Aboriginal peoples of Northern Saskatchewan had also made requests to enter treaty due to destitution and sickness. The government ignored these requests until the time of the gold rush and the invasion of prospectors in Northern Saskatchewan in approximately 1906. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- On July 20, 1906, the Commissioner for the first half of Treaty 10 (McKenna) collected a total of 541 testimonies to land claim, of which 498 were allowed by the government. This amounted to $65, 040 in money scrip and 54, 480 acres in land scrip. Under the second Treaty 10 Commissioner (Borthwick), a total of 202 testimonies to land claim were made, of which 178 were allowed. The second half amounted to $14, 160 in money scrip and 28, 560 in land scrip. The scrip commissions were held in conjunction with the Treaty 10 commissions at Snake Plains, Lac la Ronge, Stanley Mission, Southend, Ile-a-la-Crosse, La Loche Mission, La Loche River and Portage la Loche. All successful applicants received either $240 in money scrip or 240 acres in land scrip, regardless of date of birth (this is in contrast to prior scrip commissions which required a particular birth date and where $160 in money scrip or 160 acres of land scrip was given to adults and $240 in money scrip or 240 acres of land scrip given to children). In 1908, a further 17 Metis claims to land title were made during the payment of annuities to Aboriginal residents of Lac la Ronge and Pelican Narrows. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- While the government’s presumed legal authority to assess these claims is questionable, as it is based on the assumption that it supersedes any rights to land claims made by Aboriginal or Metis people, it should also be noted that the claims made during the Treaty 10 era do not represent the totality of Metis people in the region. Some Metis individuals, particularly those in the northern and eastern fringes of the Treaty 10 area which spanned approximately 85,500 square miles, were prohibited by economic circumstances to leave their work during the busy summer months for several days. As well, there were other obstacles to filing claims, such as the language barrier (many Metis spoke Michif or French), the foreign, cumbersome and confusing nature of the Crown’s bureaucratic policies (the Metis would have had little to no experience with written laws, deeds or money), and the length of time that was required for processing (the process of obtaining scrip varied from commission to commission, and the application was frequently approved on-site if the individual qualified. The standard format involved filling out an application and an affidavit or obtaining the testimony of two reliable and disinterested witnesses. Following approval and reception of the land scrip coupon, the claimant needed to go to the Dominion land office and enter the scrip, which initiated the long wait to receive a land patent. This was granted as long as there were no conflicts with other settler claims, reserves, or public projects like railways or schools. The latter part of the process involved formalities, paperwork, and lengthy waits). Collectively, these factors served to discourage Metis people from making claims. Although the government may not have had malicious intent in making the process extremely drawn-out and complex, it served to discriminate against the Metis, not only by insisting that they conform to EuroCanadian government policy regarding recognition of land sovereignty, but because it made the process of obtaining such recognition difficult. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The end result for many Metis was alienation of their land title claims, if not because of the difficulty involved in obtaining them, then because of being preyed upon by land speculators. Land speculators frequently lurked alongside scrip commissions and land offices to purchase land scrip certificates, and speculators also frequently organized to agree upon a pre-set price so that Metis individuals had no bartering leverage to negotiate a better deal. In the struggle to adjust from a buffalo economy to an agrarian economy, many Metis were driven by poverty to sell their land scrip certificates for a fraction of their value. Also, government information about scrip certificates was not readily available and, when it was available, was unclear to applicants. As a result many Metis individuals failed to appreciate its value. There was also notable difficulty in locating the land distributed to them in the claim. Government documents clearly implicate the government in fraudulent dealings, as Commissioners, at least part of the time, worked in conjunction with land speculators to make the transfer of land easier. In government memoranda from 1921, it notes: “It appears that the scrip was handed to the half-breeds by the agent of the Indian Department and it was then purchased, for small sums of course, by speculators. However the half-breed himself was required by the Department of the Interior to appear in person at the office of the land agent and select his land and hand over his scrip. In order to get over this difficulty they speculator would employ the half-breed to impersonate the breed entitled to the scrip. This practice appears to have been very widely indulged in at one time. The practice was winked at evidently at the time and the offences were very numerous.” (Memorandum for Mr. Newcombe, 14 October 1921). ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Evidence of land speculation in relationship to Treaty 10 proceedings demonstrates some of the government’s attitudes towards Metis land rights. In a series of telegrams which were sent in July of 1907, the Minister of the Interior, Frank Oliver, became involved in a dispute whereby a scrip buying representative of Revillon Brothers named Bernard was using intimidation tactics to influence other scrip buyers and sellers. Oliver had received a telegram from an agency named Bradshaw, Richards and Affleck which advised him that “Revillon Brothers through representative Bernard in charge transportation Borthwick commission, is buying all scrip and terrorizing other script buyers submit Revillon Brothers. Government contractors should be prohibited, please wire answer.” Oliver replied to the agency that the government had no authority to prohibit individuals from buying scrip, but that he had also wired the acting Indian Agent for Mistiwasis, Thomas Borthwick, to see that Bernard did not use undue influence or terrorize either the “halfbreeds” (Metis) or other scrip buyers. To Borthwick, Oliver said, “See that he uses no undue influence in any degree with respect to any person You will be held responsible.” Oliver also wired Revillon Brothers and instructed them to notify Bernard that a complaint had been made and that he should “act accordingly.”

Result

The speculation in Métis scrip, the fraud that often accompanied it, and the government’s refusal to protect scrip lands from these illicit activities deemed this land distribution policy a moral failure for the government and a devastating loss for the Metis, whose potential to succeed in an emerging capitalist economy would now be severely hindered. This subject is still debated in the secondary literature, but ultimately, government officials were fully cognizant of the role of speculation and fraud in the scrip process, and in fact, accepted it. Conservative historian Thomas Flanagan states that the Metis were free to participate in the free market by selling their scrip. Flanagan's argument, however, fails to address the creation of conditions of poverty by the government in the decimation of the buffalo economy and encroaching settlement. It also fails to address the issue of consent. If the Metis were not made fully aware of the value of the land scrip certificates and the implications of selling it by the government, they cannot be held to have engaged in a fully consensual process by selling it in the free market. Balanced scholarship acknowledges that the Metis economic institutions had been based on a system of bartering and trade. Metis individuals, therefore, were not familiar with the use of bank notes (cash), land certificates (scrip) and other operations of Euro-Canadian financial institutions. Furthermore, Dominion Land Offices were located a significant distance from Metis settlements, and many Metis could not take a week of vacation to travel to the office to inquire about the significance of scrip certificates. Legally, the fully informed consent of both parties is required to satisfy the ethical requirement of business dealings in Canadian law. As well, another factor affecting consent is the sale of scrip under duress/intimidation, which is also demonstrated to have been present in the selling of Metis scrip as mentioned by Minister Oliver in the aforementioned telegrams.

Implications
Apparently, it did not alarm Minister Oliver that the Metis land base was quickly being alienated through the sale of immensely valuable land scrip certificates due to conditions of poverty and other aforementioned factors such as a lack of awareness of the certificate’s value. The government was fully aware of the presence of land speculators and yet did nothing to hinder the illicit sale of land scrip for a fraction of its value. Nor did it crackdown on the complicity of government officials in fraudulent activity (until legislation was created in 1921, a long time after the bulk of offences had occurred). In the case of representative Bernard from Revillon Brothers, Oliver intervened after a non-Indigenous group of individuals had issued a complaint. But, there were likely several Metis individuals who would have been intimidated into selling their land scrip, indicated by Bradshaw, Richards and Affleck stating that Bernard was buying “all scrip.” Oliver makes no mention of the criminality of this action, nor does he discuss how restitution would be made to the Metis individuals extorted by representative Bernard, who had now been permanently alienated from their land base. As well, Oliver makes no effort to condemn the buying of land scrip at a portion of its value, but absolves himself by saying that the government cannot intervene in that regard. What is more likely is that Oliver was unwilling to propose legislative change which would prohibit the sale of land scrip and/or the role of speculators and fraudulent activity, thereby enabling protection of the Metis from land base alienation.------------------------------ The apathy of government officials towards Metis welfare and long-term interests is further demonstrated by a prioritization of the needs of North-west prospectors and settlers. The government failed to acknowledge that it was their encouragement of Settler encroachment that led to the steep decline of buffalo on the plains, and which forced the Metis to transition to an agrarian economy. After legal arrangements had been made, there was no compulsion to provide further assistance or ensure that a land base remained for the Metis.---------------------------- Additionally, the legal effectiveness of these “extinguishments” to land title are questionable, given that there was nothing in the process which indicated the forfeiture of the Metis individual to extinguish their land rights. The application process was preoccupied with the land’s potential for settlement, demonstrated by questions regarding previous and current land holdings, including whether or not they had a homestead entry, and improvements that have been made to the land. This is in contrast to questions that would indicate an esteem of Metis nationhood and its associated rights, such as self-identification and Metis community affirmation of the individual’s participation in the Metis nation, and, most importantly, an express consent to extinguishment of Aboriginal land title.---------------------------- The policy of land distribution failed because it did not take into account the Metis way of life or cultural disparity, did not guarantee land rights, and did not facilitate any economic or lifestyle transition.
Sources

Working reports and final reports by McKenna and Borthwick are on RG 15, Series D II 1, vol. 991, file 1247280, title: "J.A.J. McKenna, Commissioner to make treaty with Indians [1906-1914]"; McLean's brief report on his scrip taking activities can be found in RG 15, Series D II 1, vol. 1007, file 1457869, title: "W.J. McLean re. taking affidavits for Half-Breed scrip [1908-1914]".

Sub Event
Fraud/Speculation of Metis land scrip
Date
1907-00-00

An act to amend “An Act respecting the appropriation of certain lands in Manitoba.”

Summary

The Canadian Government amended the Manitoba Act Section 32. This amendment stated that all claimants had to demonstrate “undisturbed occupancy” and “actual peaceable possession.”

The government had been informed by Henry Youle Hind that in the summer, many Metis were trying to make a living by hunting buffalo or freighting supplies for the Hudson’s Bay Company, and were not present to confirm their land occupancy.  These amendments, therefore, were used to alienate Metis and their families from a protected land base. 


 

Result

Sprague argues definitively that this amendment was passed to undermine the ability of Metis to obtain patents for their land. However, Thomas Flanagan indicates that this amendment was not malicious, but was a method of ensuring land was being used. In this argument, Flanagan assumes the position of a Eurocentric apologist, based on the Lockean philosophy that humans have been given a divine command to dominate the land through constant agricultural use. This constitutes land "productivity" and is an ideal that was and is central to the project of European colonization, as it validates colonization of new lands to use said land in accordance with one interpretation of a passage from the book of Genesis in Christian scripture ("Be fruitful and multiply, fill the earth and subdue it").

It stands in stark contrast to Indigenous philosophies, which, although also perceive land as a gift from the Creator, does not perceive land as something to be dominated and conquered. Rather, Indigenous worldviews emphasize that humans have a responsibility to steward the land and its creation. This belief extended to the social and political organization of the Metis around the buffalo hunt, as they harvested buffalo judiciously and used every part of the animal. On a deeper philosophical level, Flanagan is also assuming the right to sovereignty of the Canadian government, a right that would be based on the doctrines of Terra Nullius (that the land was empty when the Europeans arrived because Indigenous peoples were not socially or politically sophisticated enough to constitute civilization or nationhood) and the (aforementioned) Doctrine of Discovery (the right of Christian princes to colonize new lands for European expansion).


 

Sources
  • Statues of Canada (1875), Chapter 52: An act to amend “An Act respecting the appropriation of certain lands in Manitoba.”
  • Sprague, D. N. Canada and the Métis, 1869-1885. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988. 
  • Flanagan, Thomas, and Gerhard Ens. "Metis Land Grants in Manitoba: A Statistical Study." Histoire Sociale/Social History 27, no. 53 (1994): 65-87. 

 

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Date
1875-00-00
Region

Recognition of Metis Land Rights in the North-West Territories

Summary

The federal government recognized the Aboriginal land rights of the North-West Metis in an amendment to the Dominion Land Act authorizing federal government to satisfy any existing claim with Metis outside of Manitoba on the 15th day of July 1870.

Implications
No concrete action was taken in the following few years, and the Metis continued to petition the government to recognize and compensate them for their land rights. Ignoring land rights meant that Canadian Government could avoid payouts, compensation, and the efforts that would involve physically surveying and addressing the land claims.
Sources

Parliamentary Act, 42 Vict., c. 31, s. 125(3)

Date
1878-00-00

Economic Disadvantagement in the Aftermath of the North-West Resistance for the Métis

Summary

In 1885 certain land rights were extended to Métis peoples outside Manitoba. According to the amended resolutions, every head of family living in the Northwest Territories on 15 July 1870 would receive a homestead grant of 160 acres or a scrip certificate valued at $160. The children of these heads of families would be entitled to 240 acres of land or $240 of scrip. The 1885 Resistance placed many Métis peoples in the Batoche region in jail. This severely hindered the ability of families to survive economically. Economic difficulties were compounded by a weak environment for economic sustenance and development in the late 1880s - the near-extinction of the buffalo and poor agricultural conditions. Many Métis peoples sold their scrip in exchange for food and clothing, leaving a limited land base for Métis communities. This situation led to long term poverty, as many Métis peoples ended up living on road allowances and in other areas outside of Batoche.

Implications
Many Metis peoples sold their scrip in exchange for food and clothing, leaving a limited land base for Metis communities. This situation led to long term poverty, as many Metis peoples ended up living on road allowances and in other areas outside of Batoche. Please see entry on the living conditions of Metis on road allowances for more information relating to Metis-specific impacts of poverty.
Date
1885-00-00

Legislation Provided Metis Heads of Family with Scrip

Summary

Legislation was introduced in the House of Commons outlining that in order to extinguish the Metis title in Manitoba any head of family who was a resident of Manitoba on 15 July 1870 would be provided with 160 acres of land or scrip worth $160 as a payment for Dominion lands. Scrip was a certificate that could be redeemed for land or money by the applicant.

Implications
Claiming scrip proved challenging and difficult for various reasons including the necessity of attaining the Power of Attorney to attain one’s claim. In many cases, scrip was not honoured and Metis people and their families would not receive their claim. The refusal to honour scrip showed that the government was uninterested in upholding land negotiations, a pattern that was evident through their interactions with First Nations peoples and Treaty implementation.
Date
1874-00-00

Re-Surveying the South Saskatchewan River Valley

Summary

In 1888 the lots in townships 42, 43, 44, and 45 (region along the South Saskatchewan River that was historically Metis land) were resurveyed by the government. Portions of these townships were divided into riverlots. These lots were 8-10 chains wide and 1 mile deep. This new survey reconciled a key grievance of the Metis population, albeit in a small area, as their land use system was recognized by the federal government. After the survey many Métis people were more willing to make formal land entries. It should also be noted that confusion followed the resurveying of some lands, as temporary markers of new lots were erected. Many of these markers were moved or disrupted due to various causes, most notably flooding. As lots were often remarked, at times there were disagreements about who owned what land. By 1908 the original survey lines were corrected and iron posts were erected to divide lots.

Implications
See "Metis Community at Bonne Madon / Bonne-Madon" for more information on the cultural significance of river lots.
Sources

SAB, Regina, Surveyors’ Correspondence files, I-273, E. Deville to C.F. Leclerc, 26 Dec 1888.

Date
1888-00-00
Theme(s)

Distribution of Metis Scrip in Association with Manitoba Act - Land Dispossession

Summary

Excerpts from "The Forgotten People" in the "relevant resources" section below detail the alienation of Metis people from their land through the Manitoba Act and processes of scrip certificate distribution. In 1886 the Metis of Manitoba petitioned the government, stating that their land patents and scrip had been stolen. Some Metis reported that their scrip had been stolen when land speculators forged powers of attorney (by bringing in someone to impersonate the Metis scrip owner) at the land office. The government officials at the land office were fully aware that this occurred and supported the theft of land by land speculators by forging powers of attorney. This constitutes government fraud.----Some primary sources, such as interviews with Metis women Agnes Amyotte Fisher and Celina Amyotte Poitras, as well as with Metis man Gilbert Rose, confirm that their Metis family received scrip certificates and land. However, other Metis interview participants, such as Pauline Anderson, Billie (Marie) Robison and Norma Welsh, as well as Metis man Joe Terranso, disclose that their families never received land or payment for their scrip certificates. Metis man Joe Vandale reports that his Metis family had to purchase their land (which implies that their land rights were not recognized by the government). Metis man Pierre Vandale reported that the government did no sufficiently inform Metis people of the significance or value of scrip certificates (this is also implied in the interview with Emily Norris Roehl). Metis man Frank Auger testifies that some First Nations people felt confined by treaty regulations, and thus took scrip instead, which they later regretted because the land that had been set aside for them for hunting was, in actuality, too small. Metis historian Harry Daniels reported that in Alberta in 1935, "I have found that the destitute, the most destitute people amongst the Metis today, are the direct descendants of the Indians who left the treaty in favour of scrip. They were misled in thinking that they were being taken out of bondage, they were misled in giving up their treaty.”

Result

D.N. Sprague argues that the petition accurately describes how the Metis were treated by scrip commissions. He indicates that a very small portion of money scrip reached the Metis claimants and much was pocketed by assignees and attorneys.

Implications
Unlike the Aboriginal extinguishment to land title, which left non-Metis Aboriginal peoples with a protected land base, the Metis were not protected from land speculators in times of destitution. Aside from the forging and impersonation of Metis individuals, many Metis also sold their land scrip out of desperation. As well, information regarding the meaning of land scrip certificates was not readily provided by the government, and the land that was granted was often difficult to locate. This left the Metis in a severely disadvantaged position, as they did not understand the value of their land scrip certificates. The government was aware that land speculation was occurring and that land scrip certificates were being sold at a fraction of the price, yet did not enact legislation that would have protected the Metis from land speculators. As well, the government did not provide financial support to Metis that would have prevented poverty and aided them in the transition from a buffalo economy to an agricultural economy, despite the fact that government encouragement of settlement and a lack of legislated hunting protections allowed new settlers to destroy the previously plentiful buffalo population. The lack of a land base increased the difficulty of transition to an agricultural economy, and as a result, many Metis resorted to illegally squatting on road allowances to survive. A primary source interview with Metis man Joe Vandale (in the "Related Resources" section on this page) indicates that some land-dispossessed Metis in Saskatchewan were permitted to buy homesteads, but their subjection to the same process required of non-Indigenous people is indicative of a further dishonouring of their land rights as Indigenous peoples.
Sub Event
Scrip fraud and speculation
Date
1870-00-00
Theme(s)

Government Recognizes the Aboriginal Rights of Metis Outside Manitoba

Summary

After several petitions between 1878 and 1885 the territorial and federal government extended the Aboriginal land rights recognized in the Manitoba Act to Metis living outside of Manitoba. The government passed an order-in-council which authorized three commissioners to issue scrip to Metis heads of family and their children outside Manitoba.

Implications
This recognition required the government to extinguish the Aboriginal land rights of the Metis. The Conservative government's National Policy of Western settlement and the desire to isolate the Aboriginal peoples of the West was the impetus for the North West Scrip Commissions.
Sources

Canada, Parliament Consolidated Statues of Canada 1879, Victoria, ch. 31 sec 125; sub sec e.

Date
1885-01-28

Red River Resistance, Manitoba Act of 1870 and Reign of Terror

Summary

The Manitoba Act was passed at the closing of the Red River Resistance in 1870, which provided for the province of Manitoba and allowed the Red River settlement to enter Confederation as Canada's fifth province. Prime Minister J.A. MacDonald stated that he would compensate the Metis in the new province in order to settle the west peacefully, although the provincial land would be owned publicly. There were also provisions in the Act which protected the French language and Roman Catholic religion. Section 31 of the Act provided land for the children of Metis heads of families, which amounted to 1.4 million acres, to be divided into tracts and allotted to Métis families by Lieutenant-Governor Adam Archibald. Section 32 guaranteed all previous settlers possession of the lots they occupied before 15 July 1870, as well as hay rights in the outer two miles of various river lots. An amendment to section 32 in 1874 provided $160 scrip redeemable by Métis heads of families. The 1874 amendment also stated that improvements needed to be made to the land in order to obtain the title. Following the creation of the Manitoba Act, Prime Minister MacDonald refused to distribute the land legally owed to Metis people. The plan of Lieutenant Governor Archibald was to allow the Metis to maintain the river lot system of farming and distribute the 1.4 million acres over a period of approximately one year. Distribution of land in fulfillment of section 31 took over a decade, however, causing many frustrated Metis people to migrate west into Alberta and Saskatchewan, as well as the United States. As well, government officials changed their minds about the 1.4 million acres, stating that the claimed land was now required to be outside the province of Manitoba. They also changed the date of proof of occupation to a date when most Metis would be away from their farms hunting buffalo. Shortly after the Act was passed, MacDonald sent 1200 troops to Fort Garry (now known as Winnipeg), to surveil and control the new province. The troops, as well as the influx of settlers, terrorized the Metis residents. Many Metis individuals were murdered, beaten, and raped. Metis landholders were frequently harassed in non-physical ways as well.


 

Result

The above summary of events demonstrates that there were several federal tactics employed to make it exceedingly difficult for the Metis to obtain their land title after scrip had been issued.  Prime Minister MacDonald actively vetoed the plans of Lieutenant Governor Archibald, in the hopes that delaying the distribution of land to the Metis would allow white settlers to outnumber the Metis, forcing them to leave.  These federal delay tactics were effective, as many Metis migrated, although they continued to petition the government in Ottawa to settle their outstanding claims.  As well, the Metis were still involved in the buffalo economy.  The government was aware that many Metis families left their farms for extended periods of time while on the hunt, during which they allowed non-Aboriginal settlers to occupy and steal Metis farm lots .  As a result of these federal tactics, approximately 65 percent of Metis people lost their land to non-Aboriginal homesteaders in Manitoba.

The efforts of MacDonald to send a large number of troops into the newly formed province demonstrate a retaliatory effort to keep the region under tight state control.  The permissive attitude of the government towards methods of psychological and physical intimidation including murder, physical beatings and rape of an already oppressed people would have served to severely fracture the sense of community safety and family cohesion.  The psychological trauma caused by rape in particular is known to have long-term and even intergenerational consequences for emotional and mental health if appropriate or sufficient social supports are not available.  These tactics of physical and psychological violence were used to keep the Metis in a position of political subordination.  The researcher notes that in the era of the modern state, criteria provided by the United Nations in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court would classify the actions of the government as war crimes (extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly) and crimes against humanity (murder, rape, persecution based on ethnicity). 


 

Sources
  • An Act to amend and continue the Act 32 and 33 Victoria, chapter 3 ; and to establish and provide for the Government of the Province of Manitoba, S.C. 1870, c. 3

 

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Date
1870-05-12
Documents
File