Integration & Mobility

Northwest Resistance: Memorandum for the Hon. the Indian Commissioner Relative to the Future Management of Indians

Summary

In a May 1885 correspondence to the Indian Commissioner, an official states that it is his impression that Moosomin, Turtle Lake and Thunderchild bands will remain loyal, and that if they are not, that they will be discreet enough to at least appear to hold a position of neutrality. The writer was unsure regarding the loyalty, disloyalty or neutrality of Poundmaker. The writer also states, “It would seem to be matter for regret that we should not endeavour to keep well disposed Indians in hand, but the military authority superseding ours, renders it impossible to make any move in this direction.”

In a correspondence from May 29, 1885, from Indian Agent MacDonald to the Indian Commissioner, the Agent writes,

“If it can be done I would strongly recommend that the File Hill Band of indians be treated with by General Middleton, in the same manner he has done with those north - Invite the Chiefs and Head men to meet him at Fort Qu’Appelle, order the men to surrender their arms, depose the three chiefs and unruly head men and those who killed the cattle we will punish [there had been an oxen found, stripped of meat - assumedly killed by Aboriginal people, who were likely starving]. Actions of this kind will settle all difficulties in the future in this Treaty, an example should or must be made, I see no better one than to treat the File Hill Bands as having been disloyal during the troubles North had they been harshly dealt with previous to the battle of Batoche these four bands would have been on the warpath, reinforced by young bucks from other Reserves within the Treaty and by some halfbreeds what the consequences would have been no one can tell….The Northern Indians have got a lesson which they will never forget.”

In a June 2, 1885 letter from the Indian Commissioner to the Superintendent General, the Commissioner writes, “The guilty Indians should also be severely punished as an example to others in the future and the Chiefs and Head men deposed as suggested by Agent McDonald.

In a June 5, 1885 letter from the same Commissioner to Indian Agent MacDonald, the Commissioner reiterates these plans:

In a letter from the Indian Commissioner to the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, the Commissioner recommends numerous ways to punish First Nations and Métis who were involved in the resistance: “I told the young men to consider over well what was going on [up] North. The Government was determined to punish all who took up arms against the Queen’s laws no matter how slight they may be, and no matter whether he was a White or Black man, Halfbreed or Indian, they would be dealt with alike.”

The following is a summary of the Memorandum for the Honorable Indian Commissioner relative to the future management of Indians (the summary is not a direct transcription but aims to use as much original phrasing as possible):

1. All Indians who have not during the late troubles been disloyal or troublesome should be treated as heretofore.

 2. It is suggested that all leading Indian rebels whom is it found possible to convict of particular crimes such as instigating and inciting to treason, felony, arson, larceny, murder, be dealt with in as severe a manner as the law will allow, and that no offence of their most prominent men be overlooked.

 3. Métis involved in the rebellion convicted will be punished in similar manner.

 4. That the tribal system should be abolished in as far as is compatible with the Treaty, ie. in all cases in which the Treaty has been broken by rebel tribes; by doing away with chiefs and councillors, depriving them of medals and other gifts to their offices.

 5. No annuity money to any ‘rebellious’ bands or individuals who joined “insurgents... The annuity money which should have been expended wholly in necessaries has to a great extent been wasted upon articles more or less useless and in purchasing necessaries at exorbitant prices, entailing upon the Department a greater expenditure in providing articles of clothing, food and implements not called for by the terms of the Treaty…”

 6. Disarm all rebels, but to those rebel Indians north of the North Saskatchewan River who have heretofore mainly existed by hunting: return shot guns (retaining the rifles), branding them as Indian Department property and keeping lists of those to whom arms are lent.

 7. No rebel Indians should be allowed off the Reserves without a pass signed by an Indian Department official.

8. The leaders of the Lakota who fought against the troops should be hanged and the rest be sent out of the country as they are certain of the settlers who are greatly inclined to shoot them on sight.

 9. Big Bear’s band should either be broken up and scattered among other bands or be given a Reserve adjacent to that of Onion Lake.

10. One Arrows band (later seen on the ‘not loyal’ list of bands in Carlton Agency) should be joined with that of Beardy and Okemasis (also considered ‘not-loyal’) and their present Reserve surrendered and dealt with by the Department for their benefit. Chekastaypaysin’s band should be broken up and their Reserve surrendered, the band being treated similar to One Arrows. Neither of these bands are large enough to render it desirable to maintain Farming Instructors permanently with them and as they are beyond assistance.

11. All Métis, members of rebel bands, although not shown to have taken any active part in the rebellion, should have their names erased from the Paysheets and if this suggestion is not approved of, by forcing anyone belonging to a band to reside on Reserves. It is desirable however that the connection between Métis and the Indians be entirely severed as it is “never productive” (Researcher observed note in margin of this document which was presumably by another official, possibly the Commissioner. The note simply says “yes” to indicate agreement.)

 12. Not applicable

 13. James Teenum, Mistawasis and Ahtahkakoop should receive some gift of government appreciation for their conduct [not participating in the rebellion].

14. Agents should be particularly strict in seeing that each and every Indian now works for every pound of provision given to him.

15. Horses of rebel Indians should be confiscated and sold, and cattle or other necessities be purchased with the profits of such sale as this would encourage an agricultural lifestyle.


 

Result

In the weeks and months following the Northwest Resistance, there was no questioning or introspection on behalf of government officials regarding underlying causes for the Resistance beyond racist stereotypes of Indigenous stubbornness and resistance to Victorian notions of 'civilization' and 'progress.' Rather, following attempts of Métis and First Nations non-violent diplomacy, the government responded with force towards their negotiations.  Indian Affairs officials advocated that non-loyal bands be “harshly dealt with,” that an “example should or must be made,” that “ guilty Indians should also be severely punished as an example to others,” and that they “be dealt with in as severe a manner as the law will allow.”  Several of the recommendations were carried out, including the right to earn a livelihood.  The implementation of the pass system (article 7 of the memorandum - see also separate entry under “pass system” in database) would severely inhibit the ability of Indigenous peoples to organize politically, or be advocates against the settler colonial occupation.  The removal of arms such as guns and knives also meant that ability to hunt was severely undermined.   It should also be noted that the government used tactics including fear and intimidation by hanging eight other leaders and Louis Riel in a public forum.  They also sentenced Poundmaker and Big Bear to prison, inevitably leading to their hastened deaths.  


 

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Date
1885-05-00

Big Head Joins Cumberland Band

Summary

Big Head and a group of followers requested that they be allowed to join the Cumberland band. The request was approved.

Implications
Requiring approval by the Department of Indian Affairs for band amalgamation is indicative of the paternalistic interference of the government and an undermining of Indigenous capacities for self-government. It should be noted that Indigenous peoples had their own systems of self-governance and political philosophies in place before Contact. The perception that these systems and philosophies were insufficient or inferior is based on Eurocentric understandings of authority and political structures.
Date
1888-00-00
Community

Members of White Bear Return to Reserve

Summary

Members of White Bear who had left their reserve and gone to the Turtle Mountains in the United States in 1887 returned throughout the fall, spring, and summer of the following year.

Implications
There were few economic opportunities for members of the White Bear band, owing to a lack of nearby market opportunities to sell their agricultural crops. This lack of economic opportunity likely contributed to many band members leaving the reserve for the United States, though their return shortly after suggests that they did not fare better south of the border.
Date
1888-00-00
Community

Closure of School on Pasqua Reserve

Summary

Pasqua's day school closed because attendance was too low. There were 33 children from this reserve who were thus sent to the industrial school at Fort Qu'Appelle and the boarding school at Muscowpetung.

Implications
The closure of the Pasqua school speaks both to Indigenous reticence to have their children educated through the imposed Euro-Canadian school system, and to government unwillingness to invest in the quality education of Indigenous children.
Date
1888-00-00

Dividing Line Placed Between Ocean Man and Pheasant Rump Reserves

Summary

A dividing line was placed between the adjacent reserves of Ocean Man and Red Pheasant.

Implications
Divisions of specific reserves for neighbouring groups of people creates imaginary borders, reducing mobility of Indigenous people in these groups. This was part of the government's goal of controlling and monitoring the movement of Indigenous people, which enabled them to prevent political organization and consciousness-raising amongst said groups.
Date
1886-00-00

Residential School on Little Child Reserve / Cowessess/ Marieval / Maryville

Summary

A school opened on Little Child (Cowessess) reserve in 1886. Cree, Saulteaux and Metis children in the area were legally obligated to attend.

Implications
As indicated by the testimony of Janice Acoose, the school severely impacted the integrity of family structures for those who were forced to attend. An interview with Pauline Anderson, Billie (Marie) Robison and Norma Welsh describe some of the dynamics of the family structure.
Date
1886-00-00
Community

Reorganization of Indian Agencies

Summary

Sub-division of agencies -- detachment of Fort Pitt (Onion Lake) from Battleford, detachment of Moose Mountain from Birtle, and division of Treaty 4 agency into Touchwood Hills, File Hills, Muscowpetung's Assiniboine, and Crooked Lake agencies.

Implications
These divisions hoped to make the work of administering the agencies more efficient, as there would be more officials to deal with First Nations individually. Furthermore, it was rationalized that the subdivision would limit the need for those on reserve to leave so as to speak to their Indian agent, better controlling their movement. From a bureaucratic perspective, the government argued that whereas before they would make a long list of grievances and then have to travel to meet with their agent, the agent under this new system would be available to address issues as they arise. Whether Indian Agents effectively addressed grievances, however, is another issue. As well, this would prevent the potential for fomentation of grievances and raising of communal political awareness amongst Indigenous peoples, thereby circumventing the possibility of political organization. The government wanted to minimize the replication of an event like the Riel Resistance.
Date
1886-00-00

Gradual Civilization Act

Summary

The Gradual Civilization Act is one of the most significant legislative events in the evolution of Canadian Indian policy. Any First Nations man over the age of 21 who was able to read or write either English or French, reasonably well-educated according to the standard of the day, free of debt and of good “moral character” was eligible to apply to be enfranchised and join the Canadian body politic. Indigenous people with a professional designation (doctor, lawyer or clergy) were automatically enfranchised regardless of whether they desired to change their legal status or not. Enfranchisement was portrayed as a highly valued privilege by the Canadian government, such that any First Nations man who falsely represented himself as enfranchised would receive a jail term of six months.


 

Result

Enfranchisement had the effect of removing all legal distinctions between First Nations people and Settlers with the intent that Indigenous peoples would effectively assimilate, the long-term goal was to reduce the fiduciary and Treaty obligations of the Canadian Government through enfranchisement. The concept of 'status' (Indian status vs. no Indian status), and thus the ability of the government to remove it, was instituted as a way to create both legal distinctions that would disadvantage Indigenous peoples, and determined federal expenditures.  To further encourage First Nations men to enfranchise, the government awarded enfranchised persons an individual possession of up to 50 acres of land from within their home reserve, as well as their per capita share in the principal of treaty annuities and other band payments.  The enfranchised person could not sell the land.  Upon the death of the enfranchised person, however, the land would pass to his children, who could sell the land if they wished.  Although, if the land passed on to the widow of an enfranchised man, said land would revert to Crown ownership upon her death - she could not sell it, nor would the band receive it.  This ensured a gradual erosion of the reserve’s land base through legal loop holes without the formal and sometimes challenging process of a formal and consensual land surrender, as was stipulated in early treaty-making by the Crown. 

The aggressive darwinian and colonial ideology that informed the Gradual Civilization Act had several further negative implications.  By implicitly stating that Indigenous peoples were not “civilized” and were not "intelligent" as dictated by White Europeans and Colonists until they acquired a certain level of education, the Crown was abandoning the promise to respect Indigenous peoples as  nations, with their own education systems and worldviews, which had been affirmed in the Royal Proclamation of 1763.  This nation-to-nation relationship would not be acknowledged again until the 1980s.  Moreover, the government’s refusal to rescind this policy until the 1980s effectively soured Indigenous-government relations by engendering mutual suspicion. Attempting to replace Indigenous self-determination and invalidating Indigenous kinship structures also had deleterious effects on relationships between band councils and members.  This initiated a state-sanctioned form of violence on Indigenous sovereignty that would serve as the precursor to the Indian Act in 1876.

The colonial civilizing mission, as demonstrated in the Gradual Civilzation Act, stems from ideologies of white supremacy, social darwinism, and arm-chair anthropology. Colonists viewed Indigenous peoples to be "near extinction," and could not survive without the intervention and control of Settler Colonists and their ideological systems. Other stereotypes that were weaponized against of Indigenous peoples included: "lazy," "unsanitary," "promiscuous," etc. These stereotypes in large effect permeate Canadian socio-political culture and have informed North American's perceptions of Indigenous peoples for centuries. For many First Nations, the act of enfranchisement was connected with a state-sanctioned loss of culture, ancestral land-bases, language, and Indigenous worldviews and protocols, resulting in the deterioration of mental, emotional, physical, and spiritual wellbeing.  


 

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Date
1857

North-west/Riel Resistence

Summary

Whitefish Lake band abandoned their reserve and fled to a wooded area to avoid the violence during the rebellion. Some members of the Saddle Lake band also abandoned their reserves, with some of them joining the rebels and others joining the Whitefish Lake band in hiding.

Implications
Fear of government discipline and punishment for being associated with the Riel Resistance resulted in members of this band being forced to leave their territory, resulting in an undermining of social cohesion and support networks.
Sub Event
Whitefish Lake and Saddle Lake Bands Flee Reserves
Date
1885-00-00
Community

The Key Separate from Shoal River Band

Summary

The Key band moved from Shoal River to their own reserve in 1882. They worried that the government would decide to survey a reserve for them at their old location, and many suggested that they would return to that reserve were that the case. Indian Affairs officials confirmed with them that they would not have a reserve surveyed at the old location, as there were very few people who lived there. Beardy remained behind at the old location, thinking that he could be made into a chief.

Date
1884-00-00