Integration & Mobility

Introduction of Pass System

Summary

In an effort to keep Aboriginal people within a contained area, the Vagrancy Act was applied to Indigenous people on reserves so that the government could regulate the movement of Indigenous people. The Vagrancy Act also allowed the government to prosecute those Indigenous people who left the reserve. The Pass system began as a result of unofficial discussions between government officials in the early 1880s out of fear that prairie Indians might organize and form a Pan-Indian alliance in resistance of government policy. Following the 1885 resistance, the Pass System, which was an unofficial policy, became widely used. Books of passes were sent to Indian agencies in 1886. First Nations people could not leave the reserve without obtaining a pass from the Indian agent. They were required to disclose where they wanted to go, after which the agent determined whether or not they could leave. The agent also determined when they could leave and when they had to return.

Implications
The Pass System was not enacted by legislation, and therefore authorities had no legal power to enforce it. Early on in its implementation, the NWMP protested the enforcement of this system due to its not being codified in law. They attempted to make an organizational decision to not enforce it. Hayter Reed, as head of the Department of Indian Affairs, fought this in court and ultimately won, reversing the decision of the NWMP to not enforce the system. Although Reed knew that the system had no basis in law, he believed that this should be kept secret from First Nations people for as long as possible. The decision to keep the unlawfulness of the pass system secret was widely understood by Indian agents and the NWMP. By keeping First Nations people out of cities and white settlements, it functioned as a system of racial segregation that was in effect for over 60 years, well into the 1940s. Isolating First Nations people on reserves made them easier to monitor and easier to control through distribution and withholding of rations, since it also allowed Indian Agents to control the ability of First Nations people to buy and sell their agricultural goods and other products that would contribute to making a livelihood. The intentional restriction from competition in the marketplace prevented their economic success and led to the failure of the agricultural project on reserves. Restricting Indigenous people from competing in the local marketplace also served to give the white settler population economic success. The pass system also functioned as a disciplinary device as it enabled the Agent to distribute or withhold access to goods or services as deemed necessary to maintain control. If an Indian did not behave in accordance with the Agent's wishes, the Agent could refuse or delay a permit or access to rations or other services. Indians who did behave in accordance with the Agent's wishes were favoured with various kinds of land and assistance. An Indian who fell out of the good opinion of the agent would be forced to sell his cattle and find debilitating work, often in the form of manual labor such as clearing bush or picking rocks, which was seasonal and thus not always available. In the long-term, the effect of this policy is such that it drove Indigenous people away from farming and more deeply into poverty.
Sources

Bennett, B. Study of Passes for Indians to Leave Their Reserves. Ottawa: Treaties and Historical Research Centre, 1974. NA, Hayter Reed Papers, MG 29 E 106, vol. 14, file 'Reed, Hayter 1893,' H. Reed to T.M Daly, 25 March 1893.

Date
1885-00-00

Disintegration/Amalgamation of Disloyal Bands

Summary

The Canadian Government determined a list of "unloyal Bands" after the 1885 resistance, these Bands were dissolved and amalgamated with existing bands. One Arrow combined with Beardy, Muskeg Lake distributed between Ahtahkakoop and Mistawasis, Lucky Man spread among others in the Battleford and Peace Hills agencies, and Big Bear’s band was broken up, with many joining Thunderchild and others joining other Bands in Battleford and Fort Pitt agencies.

Sources

Canada. Sessional Papers. “Report of the Department of Indian Affairs for the Year Ended 31 December 1885.

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Date
1885-00-00

Fort Walsh Closed

Summary

Fort Walsh, which had previously been a NWMP outpost and headquarters, was closed. This represents an attempt to reduce options for Aboriginal people who were reluctant to sign treaties and settle on reserves, as Fort Walsh had been a centre to receive rations and relief payments.

Implications
With the disappearance of the bison and the closing of Fort Walsh, most of the Aboriginal people who were remaining in the Cypress Hills were forced to settle on reserves chosen for them by the government in order to receive government rations.
Date
1883-00-00

Piapot Leaves Cypress Hills

Summary

In 1881, Piapot had chosen a reserve in the Cypress Hills, but in 1882 he, as well as other leaders, were told that they would only receive rations if they moved out of the Cypress Hills onto selected reserves. Indian Agent Allen Macdonald chose a reserve for Piapot near Indian Head, and the chief left the Cypress Hills with approximately 470 followers in June of 1882. Many people died on the journey from the Cypress Hills to Indian Head. Upon arrival at Qu’Appelle in July of 1882, Piapot voiced his concerns with the rations given to his people and the reserve chosen for them. He returned to the Cypress Hills later that summer, insisting that his people be granted the reserve in the Cypress Hills they were promised. When rations were once again cut, Piapot and his people returned to the reserve near Indian Head, though by September 1883 he still had not made clear whether they intended to stay. After many deaths during the winter of 1883, Piapot left the reserve in the spring of 1884, and moved towards Pasqua’s reserve, where the NWMP prepared for a fight, but Piapot agreed to negotiate at Fort Qu’Appelle rather than engage in armed conflict.

Implications
Piapot was granted a reserve beside Muscowpetung's in 1884.
Sources

McIlree to Dewdney, June 27, 1882; Macdonald to Reed, July 18, 1882; Macdonald to Galt, July 29, 1882; Report of A. MacDonald, Qu'Appelle, 20 June 1882 [NA, RG 10, vol. 3744, file 29,506-2] CSP, 1884, DIA Annual Report for 1883, Report of T.P. Wadsworth, Inspector of Indian Agencies, Edmonton, 9 October 1883, 117.

Date
1882-06-23
Community

Treaty 4

Summary

After a week of Treaty negotiations Canadian Government representatives Alexander Morris (Lieutenant-Governor of the North-West Territories), David Laird (Minister of the Interior) and William J. Christie (Indian Commissioner) entered into a treaty agreement with various First Nations. In exchange for this title transfer, the Dominion of Canada (on behalf of the Queen) promised to provide presents, annual annuities, farming implements, to construct schools, and guaranteed Aboriginal hunting, trapping and fishing rights.

Implications
Discontentment surrounded the implementation of Treaty 4. In the subsequent years and decades many First Nations signatories complained that the government was not preventing starvation, preserving their livelihoods, or their sovereignty. The government was continually reluctant to uphold their end of the negotiations, in fact, utilizing discriminatory policies that would cause undue harm to the Cree and Salteaux. For example, in the Cypress Hills Region around Fort Walsh, the Canadian Government would implement a Starvation Policy meant to control and subjugate the Cree to the government's whim by denying rations. These issues stemmed from differing interpretations of the treaty and its intentions by First Nations signatories compared to the Canadian Government. The debate over the intentions of the treaties continued throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty first century. However, while the government claimed ignorance to the true intention of treaties, they were assertive and completely aware of the assimilative policies implemented, and aimed to remove Indigenous peoples from Canadian society altogether.
Sources

Morris, Alexander. The Treaties of Canada with the Indians of Manitoba and the North- West Territories Including the Negotiations on which they were based, and other Information relating thereto. Saskatoon: Fifth House, 1991. 77-123.

Sub Event
Fort Qu'Appelle
Date
1874-09-08

Sheer Compulsion Policy

Summary

After the Conservatives returned to power in 1878, Edgar Dewdney was appointed to the newly created position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the North West Territories. Using this powerful position Dewdney implemented a policy he referred to as “sheer compulsion.” The policy entailed withholding rations and agricultural equipment (promised in many treaties) from First Nations that opposed the government’s actions or decrees. Furthermore, he incarcerated chiefs and restricted movement and gatherings between bands. As the name suggests this policy was meant to ensure compulsion to the will of the government.


 

Result

Policy resulted in great hardship, and exemplifies a complete disregard for treaty promises and the intentions of Dewdney and other officials. In fact, limiting and withholding rations failed to meet the agreements outlined in the numbered treaties  in spite of the  obligation to provide aid. In certain uses of the Sheer Compulsion policy, First Nation peoples resisted or rioted in order to attain rations that were being withheld due to desperation and hunger.  


 

Sources

House of Commons, Ottawa, Sessional Papers, XVII (1885)

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Date
1878-00-00
Region

First World War Soldier Settlement Act

Summary

The 1917 Soldier Settlement Act aimed to ease the transition to civilian life by making Western homesteads available to all veterans following the end of the First World War. Instead of granting land in the southern boreal forest, as was the original plan, they sought better agricultural land in the form of reserve “surpluses” instead. Six reserves surrendered over 72,000 acres of land for this veteran resettlement. However, Aboriginal veterans were not eligible for this land under the Soldier Settlement Act. Aboriginal veterans were granted location tickets for land on reserves – which could be granted without band council approval -- instead of the 160 acres that were promised to other veterans, and the loans available to them to purchase farming supplies were much smaller.

Implications
Several reserves in the province lost land as a result of this act. They included Big River (980 acres), Mistawasis (17,000 acres), Ochpowace (18,240), Piapot (16,960), Poorman’s (8,080), Wood Mountain (5,760); the land was now uavailable for on-reserve agricultural development and farming, hunting, trapping, housing, and various activities (as it was illegal for a ‘status Indian’ to be off reserve without written permission of the Indian Agent). This follows a larger pattern of erosion of reserve land bases in Saskatchewan, which began in the early 1900s as several reserves engaged in land surrenders. Please see the related entries on land surrenders - various circumstances accompanied these surrenders, including coercion.
Sources

Regina Leader 18 July, 1918.

Sub Event
Reserve Land Surrenders
Date
1917-00-00
Documents
File
File Description
An Act to Assist Returned Soldiers in settling upon the Land and to increase Agricultural production